Appendix Four
Agents of Influence
A Troublesome Topic:
The Jewish Presence on the
Warren Commission
"The Best and the Brightest"—
and Jerry Ford, Too.
Facts are facts: of the 22 Warren Commission staff
attorneys, nine were Jewish. Another was married to a Jewish
woman. Several others had ties to the Israeli lobby. What's
more, one of the commission's most active members—Gerald
R. Ford—was the protégé of a figure long linked to both the Mossad
and the Lansky Crime Syndicate. Another commission member, John
McCloy, was intimately associated with some of the most powerful
families in the Jewish elite. If the Warren Commission had been sincere
in investigating the JFK conspiracy—and discovered an Israeli
connection—the immense "Jewish presence" within the
commission could have provided the means whereby the
Israeli connection would undoubtedly have been covered up.
Although the Warren Commission has been damned to the ends of the
earth for nearly forty years, few actually know who really pulled the strings
behind the scenes as this now-infamous deliberating body carried out its
purported investigation into the assassination of John F. Kennedy—or the
real origins of how the commission actually came about.
On November 22, 1964 The Washington Post published a glowing
endorsement of The Warren Commission Report by Eugene Rostow, then
dean of the Yale Law School. But what neither the Post nor Rostow
mentioned in this fraud upon the readers was that it was Rostow himself
who was the first person to suggest to President Johnson that such a
commission as the Warren Commission be established!
Rostow and the Post were able to get away with this deception because
the truth is that Rostow's pivotal role in the creation of the commission
was not publicly detailed in any consequence until thirty years after the JFK
assassination. For those thirty years, the "idea" for the commission had been
attributed to others. However, in 1993, transcriptions of recorded telephone
conversations in the Johnson White House were released for the first time.
According to JFK researcher Donald Gibson, the transcripts reveal that
"the idea of a presidential commission to report on the assassination of
President Kennedy was first suggested by Eugene Rostow in a telephone call
to LBJ aide Bill Moyers during the afternoon of November 24th,"843 within
minutes of Lee Harvey Oswald's murder by Jack Ruby.
While many JFK researchers point to Rostow's ties to "the foreign
policy establishment" what they don't mention is the particular foreign
policy that has been of special interest to Rostow throughout his career.
In fact, Rostow's primary foreign policy concern has been the interests of
Israel, so much so that Rostow has even been a board member of the Jewish
Institute for National Security Affairs, which has been described as being "run
by individuals closely identified with Israeli interests and may be regarded as a
virtual lobbying organization for the state of Israel . . . ." 844
Thus, the truth is that, from its inception, the Warren Commission's origins
were linked to pressure from an influential figure within the Israeli lobby's
power elite—a very interesting little detail indeed.
And because we now know there were "top secret" U.S. intelligence
documents circulated after the assassination indicating the Arab press was
alleging "the Zionists" were behind the president's murder, 845 —citing, as an
indication, for example, the fact Jack Ruby was Jewish—we can rightly
speculate that these were among the kind of "ugly rumors" in the foreign
press the Warren Commission was established to suppress.
What few JFK assassination researchers have ever bothered to
investigate—or at least discuss publicly—however, are the antecedents of the
22 lawyers who were actually in charge of the day-to-day investigation and in
preparing the final report and who—from behind the scenes—filtered the data
to the big names who signed their names to the report.
The facts demonstrate that there was a substantial "Jewish presence" at this
staff level that could have impacted substantially on the handling of any evidence
of Mossad involvement or Mossad connections of persons who came under
scrutiny in the course of the investigation, assuming the claim by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B'nai B'rith—that American Jews are
"sensitive" to the concerns of the state of Israel—is true.
For the record, this author does not buy the theory that all Jewish
Americans are necessarily partisans of Israel or obligated to be. In fact—to
reiterate what has already been said here—some of the most forthright critics of
Israel and its misdeeds have been Americans of Jewish descent.
However, inasmuch as the ADL, which has relentlessly attacked Final
Judgment, purports to speak for the concerns of the Jewish community and
says that the thesis of this book is "offensive" to the Jewish community,
we will therefore accept the ADL's contention that Jewish Americans are
sensitive to Israel's concerns. Therefore, it is not a leap of logic to contend
that in the event evidence linking Israel's Mossad to the JFK assassination
had come forth that Jewish Americans on the commission staff would be
constitutionally inclined to cover up any evidence that did emerge.
All of that having been said, let us examine—for want of a
better way of describing it—the unusually - pervasive
"Jewish presence" on the Warren Commission staff at the
investigative level.
For this we begin with the November 28, 1988 edition of the National Law
Journal featured a cover story by David A. Kaplan entitled "The JFK Probe 25 Years Later." The story included capsule biographies of the lawyers of
the Warren Commission, describing the 22 lawyers of the commission staff as
"the best and the brightest of their generation." 846
Who were they? What were their political connections? How did they
come on board the commission staff? Kaplan answers some of these
questions—but not all of them. What follows is a summary of Kaplan's
details, and additional information readily available in the public domain.
We can only wonder what other details remain to be told.
THE JEWISH LAWYERS
First of all, a brief look at the basic statistics: of the fourteen assistant
counsel, five were Jewish. Another was married to a Jewish woman. Of the
seven "other staff members" (lawyers and law clerks) named in Kaplan's
article, four were Jewish. This means that of the 22 lawyers in question,
nearly half of them (including the staffer whose wife was Jewish) could be
described as constituting a "Jewish presence" on the commission. However,
as we shall see, the political connections of other staff lawyers suggests that
the "Jewish presence" was even more substantial. Here then are the Jewish
staff lawyers who served on the Warren Commission:
Norman Redlich. A deputy to the commission's chief counsel, J.
Lee Rankin, Redlich was the actual author of the final disreputable
document known as the Warren Commission Report. He was involved at a
high-level in Jewish community affairs prior to service on the Warren
Commission, having been recruited as a member of the American Jewish
Congress committee on law and social action in 1962; later he served as a
member of the board of overseers of the Jewish Theological Seminary.
From 1966 to 1974 he was in the office of New York City's corporation
counsel. In 1974 Redlich succeeded his sponsor, Corporation Counsel J. Lee
Rankin (earlier the chief counsel to the Warren Commission, more about
whom below).
Melvin Aron Eisenberg. Both before and after the Warren
Commission inquiry, Eisenberg was an associate in the New York law firm
of Kaye, Scholer, Fierman, Hays & Handler which has an intimate history
of associations with Jewish concerns and can generally be described as a
"Jewish" law firm. This firm once represented shadowy conservative
operative John Rees, who is known for his ties to Israeli intelligence. On
the Warren Commission, Eisenberg served as the assistant to Norman
Redlich and was also responsible for analysis of scientific evidence on
ballistics. Modern-day JFK assassination buffs who spend endless hours reexamining such topics as "where the shots came from" can thank Eisenberg
for his contributions to their debate, although Eisenberg has been eclipsed in
infamy by his Warren Commission colleague, Arlen Specter.
Arlen Specter. Specter was a Democratic assistant district attorney
during the five years prior to his rise to national fame as the inventive
creator (along with Redlich) of the discredited and outlandish "single bullet
theory" which contends that one bullet—purportedly fired by Lee Harvey Oswald—managed to do some particularly remarkable ballistic gyrations
while passing through both John F. Kennedy and Governor John Connally
of Texas and then emerged pristine. Today Specter is not only a steadfast
enthusiast of the Warren Commission Report but is also one of the Israeli lobby chief legislative tacticians in Congress. Specter frequently travels at
U.S. taxpayer expense on "official business" to Israel where his American born sister has taken up residence.
(An interesting note: Prior to recognizing the full import of Specter's
outrageous behavior on the Warren Commission, this author—as a college
student—made a small contribution to Specter's successful 1980 Senate
campaign in Pennsylvania and later—much to my surprise—was invited
[without having first asked] to submit my resume for possible employment
on Specter's staff in Washington—an offer I rejected, and wisely so.)
David W. Belin. Until his recent demise, Belin remained perhaps
the most vocal former staff member defending the Warren Commission.
Described as a "respected Midwestern Republican lawyer who would add
geographical diversity to the staff,"847 A partner in a prestigious Des
Moines firm before he came to the commission, Belin popped up in 1975 as
staff director of the so-called "Rockefeller Commission" instituted by Belin's
former Warren Commission associate, President Gerald Ford. Ostensibly
charged with investigating CIA misdeeds, Belin proved himself a valuable
defender of CIA interests. In the 1975 inquiry one of Belin's major concerns,
according to JFK researcher James DiEugenio, was trying to refute the idea
that the CIA's E. Howard Hunt was connected to the events in Dallas.848 By
so doing, Belin was effectively suppressing Hunt's involvement in Dallas
with Frank Sturgis, a known CIA and Mossad asset who claimed to have
actually played a part in the assassination.
Samuel A. Stern. As a former law clerk for Chief Justice Earl
Warren from 1955-1956, Stern was thus well-placed to influence the chief of
the commission on an intimate level. An attorney with the high-powered
Washington law firm of Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering and later with the firm of
Dickstein, Shapiro & Morin, Stern had "extensive international practice,
particularly in financing ventures in emerging countries."849 As a
consequence Stern has almost necessarily had connections with the
intelligence community as part of his global ventures. (The Mossad, just for
the record, is also active in "emerging countries.")
Murray J. Laulicht. A lower-level staff member, this young
attorney came to the Warren Commission only hours after graduating first
in his class from Columbia University law school. He was recommended by a
childhood friend, attorney Nathan Lewin, who was then a special assistant in
the U.S. solicitor general's office. The two had "gone to camp
together."850 In later years, Laulicht's sponsor, Lewin, emerged as a
Washington attorney known for his close association with the Israeli lobby.
Richard M. Mosk. Another staffer, Mosk was the son of California
State Supreme Court Justice Stanley Mosk, one of the most prominent
members of the powerful Los Angeles Jewish community. Later a member
of two "Jewish" law firms, Mosk served from 1981 to 1984 as a member of
the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal in the Hague adjudicating claims
against Israel's fiercest fundamentalist Islamic critic after the fall of the Shah
of Iran whom we saw in Chapter 18 was a close ally of both the Mossad and
the CIA which jointly created the Shah's dreaded SAVAK.
Stuart R. Pollak. Another former law clerk for Chief Justice
Warren, Pollak later served in the Justice Department and as an attorney in
private practice in San Francisco which is reported by famed Jewish
corruption fighter Sherman Skolnick to be a key American "station" for
Israel's Mossad. In 1993 the Mossad's intelligence and propaganda unit—the
ADL—was revealed to be running its number one undercover informant,
Roy Edward Bullock out of San Francisco.
(It was this author who first
exposed Bullock—in 1986—as an ADL asset, much to the ADL's dismay.)
Lloyd L. Weinreb. Having clerked for U.S. Supreme Court Justice
John M. Harlan from 1963-1964, prior to joining the Warren Commission
staff, Weinreb assisted Norman Redlich in the editing and final preparation
of the commission's report. After a brief stint in the criminal division of the
Justice Department, Weinreb went on to serve as a Harvard law professor.
THE OTHERS
The other Warren Commission lawyers who were not Jewish did still,
in many cases nonetheless, have very distinct connections to political
interests and individuals who were, in turn, attune to the interests of the
powerful Israeli lobby. Let us examine the others.
J. Lee Rankin. The chief counsel to the Warren Commission,
Rankin knew Warren from the time that Rankin served as U.S. solicitor
general under President Eisenhower. A former attorney in Lincoln, Nebraska
Rankin later established himself as a Manhattan attorney and then served as
New York City's corporation counsel from 1965 to 1972—a key position
in the American city where Jewish power and influence is supreme. (It was
Rankin who brought his junior Warren Commission colleague—the
aforementioned Redlich to the corporation counsel's office, easing Redlich's
succession to the post when Rankin retired.)
Howard P. Willens. A Justice Department "whiz kid" described as
being—along with Norman Redlich—"a staffer essentially without
portfolio,"851 Willens "assisted" the Chief Justice in staffing the
commission and served as the "key administrative aide in the
investigation." 852 Although not Jewish himself, his wife was Jewish and Willens, therefore, can be counted as one of those on the commission
sensitive to Jewish concerns.
Joseph A. Ball. Said by the National Law Journal to be "one of the
leading American trial lawyers of his generation,"853 Ball was an old friend
of the chief justice, having known Warren from "California political
circles." Ball, in short, was a political crony of the chief justice and
certainly not one to rock the boat. Ball was purported to be the
commission's "expert" on Lee Harvey Oswald and by virtue of that status
can rightly be called one of the great myth makers of all time.
Albert E. Jenner, Jr. A major player in the Chicago legal
community, personally recruited to the commission by Earl Warren, Jenner
was a senior member of a commission group that prepared the
commission's fraudulent profile of Lee Harvey Oswald as "one lone nut"
who had no CIA or other intelligence connections. Jenner had an interesting
connection of his own. At the time Jenner was named to the commission he
served as the personal attorney to Chicago construction and real estate
tycoon Henry Crown.854 A Jewish billionaire, Crown was a major
contributor to Jewish causes, including the Wiezmann Institute in Israel, 855
a major force in Israel's nuclear weapons programs (that JFK so strenuously
opposed). Although highly "reputable" in his later years, Crown established
much of his clout in Chicago through his ties to organized crime. 856 Crown
plowed much of his wealth into defense contracting and was a major
stockholder in the General Dynamics Corporation (which Jenner also
represented) which was under investigation by the Kennedy Justice
Department prior to the JFK assassination.857 And as we noted in Chapter
15, the Bronfman family—sponsors of Louis Bloomfield of the Mossad's
Permindex operation—were also major shareholders in General Dynamics.
Jenner later served as the chief minority counsel to the U.S. House Judiciary
Committee during the Watergate scandal and was assuredly tuned in fully to
the CIA intrigue related to the affair (which we will review in Appendix
Seven). In any case, it's clear that Jenner, too, can be deemed—through his
association with Crown—as part of the "Jewish presence" on the Warren
Commission.
Wesley J. Liebeler. A former New York attorney, Liebeler worked
closely with Albert Jenner in covering up Lee Harvey Oswald's intelligence
community antecedents, although in future years he emerged as an expert in
the less fascinating field of antitrust law (suggesting that analysis of
intelligence intrigue was never his field of expertise to begin with).
Leon D. Hubert, Jr. A former New Orleans District Attorney who
could have uncovered details about Lee Harvey Oswald's sojourn in New
Orleans, Hubert was instead assigned to investigate the activities of Jack
Ruby in Dallas. Although recommended for the commission by one of its
members, Rep. Hale Boggs, Hubert—like Boggs—was doubtful about many commission conclusions. Interestingly, Boggs, who died in a plane
crash in 1972, was once described as an "errand boy"858 for Mossad connected Clay Shaw's close friend, Edith Stern, head of the WDSU media
empire in New Orleans that helped create Lee Harvey Oswald's public image
as a "pro-Castro agitator." Thus, Boggs and Hubert were positioned to
restrict inquiries into the Shaw-Banister-Ferrie apparatus in New Orleans that
was intertwined with the Lake Pontchartrain Cuban-exile training operations
of CIA contract agent and Mossad asset Frank Sturgis.
Burt W. Griffin. A junior member of Leon Hubert's commission
team investigating Jack Ruby's background, Griffin was a former assistant
U.S. attorney and practicing lawyer in Cleveland. Later a Cleveland trial
judge, Griffin—like Hubert—ultimately expressed some doubts about the
commission's findings but was never vocal about his reservations.
William T. Coleman, Jr. At the time of his appointment to the
commission, Coleman was one of the most prominent Black attorneys in
the nation, associated with the "political" law firm of Dilworth, Paxon,
Kalish, Levy & Coleman, headed by Philadelphia's former Democratic
Mayor Richardson Dilworth. Coleman's edge up the political/legal ladder
came, however, when he clerked in 1948-49 for Supreme Court Justice
Felix Frankfurter, one of the most ardent leaders of the Jewish community
in America. Coleman's clerkship came at the very time that the state of
Israel was being established. On the Warren Commission Coleman was the
senior member of a team examining "possible foreign conspiracies" 859
behind the assassination of President Kennedy. He found no such
conspiracies.
W. David Slawson. A Princeton graduate with a master's degree in
theoretical physics, Slawson essentially functioned as an assistant to
William Coleman—eleven years his senior—in "researching conspiracy
theories."860 This was, needless to say, a highly unlikely post, to say the
least, for a young man with a background in physics and who was charged
with the responsibility of investigating foreign conspiracies which may
have been behind the assassination. Slawson gave up his study of
international intrigue after he left the Warren Commission and specialized in
the far less theoretical and highly unscientific fields of contracts and antitrust
as a law professor at the University of Southern California
Francis W. H. Adams. The former New York City police
commissioner from 1954 to 1955, Adams should presumably have been a
top-notch investigator for the commission. It appears, however, that Adams
was mere window dressing. Although Adams was supposed to be teamed
with Arlen Specter to track President Kennedy's activities in Dallas as well
as investigate the motorcade, Adams was, according to the National Law
Journal, "rarely present,"861 so much so that Chief Justice Warren mistook
him for a coroner testifying before the commission. Recommended to the commission staff by New York Mayor Robert Wagner, long known for his
close relationship with the New York Jewish community, one might
suggest with good reason that Adams would be particularly attuned to
Jewish political concerns in light of his previous high profile appointment
as New York police commissioner.
Alfredda Scobey. Perhaps the least known of all of the commission
staff was its only female staffer. The law clerk to a Georgia judge—the
nephew of Sen. Richard Russell (D-Ga.), a member of the Warren
Commission—Ms. Scobey, then 51 and considerably older than virtually all of
her colleagues, was appointed to the staff at Russell's recommendation. She
served as his "observer" since the senator did not attend many
commission meetings. In light of the fact that Russell was later known to
be one of the Warren Commission "dissenters," Ms. Scobey must have been
quite alert in her observations. Among all of the commission staffers—and
perhaps precisely because of her alertness—Ms. Scobey never rose to any
type of prominence, returning to work as a law clerk until her retirement.
Charles N. Shaffer, Jr. Also practically forgotten as a member of
the Warren Commission staff, Shaffer was an aide to the U.S. attorney
general both before and after the Warren Commission. Shaffer's claim to
fame is that his most famous client was Watergate figure John Dean who
helped bring down the Nixon administration. Ultimately, as we shall see in
Appendix Seven, there was much more to the Watergate scandal than meets
the eye and it does indeed tie back to the Kennedy assassination—but not in
the way that so many JFK researchers seem to believe. So perhaps Shaffer's
reappearance in Watergate is really not a coincidence after all.
John Hart Ely. Another of the little-known junior staffers—only 24 at
the time—this Yale graduate was rewarded for his service on the Warren
Commission with a clerkship under Chief Justice Warren after the
commission closed up shop. Ely rose to become dean of the prestigious
Stanford Law School.
Clearly, then, there was a definitive "Jewish presence" on the staff of
the Warren Commission in virtually every key aspect of its inquiries. And
even where a Warren staffer was not necessarily Jewish, many of those
staffers had other connections which would make them "sensitive" to Jewish
concerns. This is not a pleasant topic and one which certainly invites
allegations of "anti-Semitism," but it is a topic that deserves examination
for the record, particularly in light of what is suggested in Final Judgment.
GERALD FORD'S MOSSAD-
LANSKY CONNECTION
However, the "Jewish presence" on the Warren Commission has
another interesting facet—and one that has never been explored elsewhere to
the knowledge of this author.
Although JFK assassination researchers have exercised themselves
relentlessly over the fact that Warren Commission member (and later U.S.
President) Gerald Ford, then a Republican congressman from Michigan, was
J. Edgar Hoover's eager and willing informant, supplying confidential
commission findings to the FBI throughout the commission's tenure, an
equally strong argument can be made that Ford was also at least a potential
conduit for both the Lansky syndicate and the Mossad.
This startling allegation, on its face, might appear a bit extraordinary to
some, but let's look at the facts. At the time that Ford was appointed to the
commission, one of his closest political allies and major financial backers
was a Detroit-based figure named Max Fisher. Just after Ford assumed the
presidency in 1974—in the wake of the Watergate scandal—Fisher was
described as one of "the mystery men behind Gerald Ford" who would "tell
the president what to do and when to do it."862 And in light of his status in
Ford's rising political fortunes, we do know that in 1963—when Ford was
appointed to the Warren Commission, Fisher likewise was then in a
position to tell Ford "what to do and when to do it."
So who is Max Fisher? Here's how Gerald Ford described Fisher in his
own memoirs. Fisher, he said, was "a prominent Detroit businessman who
was chairman of the Jewish Agency for Israel. Max was a lifelong
Republican and a close friend. He had served as an unofficial ambassador
between the United states and Israel for years, and his contacts at the highest
levels of both governments had often helped us bridge over
misunderstandings.” 863
Edward Tivnan's portrayal of Fisher in The Lobby: Jewish Political
Power and American Foreign Policy is even more detailed and points toward
Fisher's high-level role in the Jewish lobby in America. Tivnan describes
Fisher as, among other things: "a former head of the Council of Jewish
Federations and Welfare Funds, chairman of the United Jewish Appeal,
member of the Executive Committee of the American Jewish Committee, a
major donor to the Republican Party." 864
In regard to Fisher's status both here in the United States and in Israel,
Jean Baer writes admiringly in her book, The Self Chosen, that Fisher "has
served as an unofficial financial advisor to the Israeli government and has
been called 'probably the most prominent Republican in the country.'" 865
Although there are many GOP socialites who would dispute Baer's
fawning (and somewhat inaccurate) suggestion that Fisher was "the most
prominent Republican in the country," Israeli correspondent Wolf Blitzer
was probably more in perspective when he declared in 1985 that Fisher had
"long been the most influential Jew in the Republican Party" 866—certainly a
unique status, by anyone's judgment—and among those who, according to
Blitzer, "sensitized the Republican national leadership to the concerns of the
American Jewish community." 867
J. J. Goldberg, writing in Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish
Establishment, describes Ford's chief financial angel as one of "the two
most senior leaders of the organized Jewish community . . . and one of the wealthiest men in America ... who always insisted that he did not speak
for himself but for the American Jewish community and its elected
leadership."868 So clearly, as we can see, Fisher was indeed someone to be
reckoned with, to say the least.
More interestingly, in the context of JFK's struggles with Israel that
we have examined in Final Judgment, Goldberg quotes Fisher as saying that
although Jewish voters were more politically inclined toward the Democratic
Party, "Kennedy wouldn't ship any arms"869 to Israel (although Fisher
added, quite incorrectly, that Lyndon Johnson didn't either)—thus suggesting
that this powerful figure in the American Jewish community was less than
pleased with JFK's attitude toward Fisher's favorite foreign nation.
FISHER, ROSENBAUM AND THE MOB
But Fisher's less public political and financial antecedents—prior to his
rise to prominence—are far more interesting, particularly in light of his
access to the Warren Commission through Gerald Ford.
At the time of the JFK assassination, Fisher was actually a business
partner of longtime Mossad figure Tibor Rosenbaum, the driving force
behind the shadowy Permindex corporation (discussed in depth in Chapter
15) which played a central role in the assassination conspiracy.
In 1957, in partnership with Tibor Rosenbaum's Swiss-Israel Trade
Bank, Fisher bought a controlling interest in Israel's Paz
conglomerate—long owned by the Rothschild family of Europe—which
maintained a monopoly over Israeli oil and petrochemical interests.870
(As we noted in Chapter 7—quite significantly enough—one of
Rosenbaum's partners in the Swiss-Israel Trade Bank was Shaul Eisenberg, a
longtime Mossad figure and one of the prime movers behind Israel's nuclear
bomb program. But, as we shall see in Appendix Nine there is much more to be
discussed of Eisenberg later.)
However, Fisher's Israeli connections went back much further and were far
deeper. Fisher's mentor—in terms of his role in promoting Israel's interests—
was no less than General Julius Klein, the former American army officer who
played a major role in helping set up Israeli's Mossad and who later served as
president of the Swiss-Israel Trade Bank. Klein himself described Fisher
as "my protégé whom I have always kept . . . well informed on all
intelligence matters." 871
In the late 1940's and early 1950's Fisher traveled to Israel with Klein and
was involved in training the Israeli armed forces and intelligence services as
part of the activities of the Sonneborn Institute with which none other than
Major Louis Bloomfield was associated. Later, of course, Bloomfield would
serve as president and chairman of the board of Tibor Rosenbaum's Permindex
operation. 872
In Chapter 8 we discussed the Sonneborn Institute which was
established to provide arms and money and other tactical assistance to the
Jewish underground in Palestine, prior to the establishment of Israel in 1948. As we noted, the Institute not only had wide-ranging intelligence
connections—but also intimate ties to the Lansky Syndicate.
Therefore it will come as no surprise to the reader to learn that one of
Fisher's contacts in both petroleum and weapons smuggling to the Jewish
Haganah through Sonneborn was rising Lansky Syndicate figure Morris
Dalitz, then of Detroit's Purple Gang, and one of the leading Midwest
dealers in military surplus.873 Dalitz himself would later emerge as a prime
investor in the Permindex operation and would become one of the highest ranking figures in the crime syndicate.
(In Chapter 10 we first met Dalitz and examined the strange connection
between Dalitz and House Assassinations Committee director Robert
Blakey. In Chapter 14 we explored further the manner in which Blakey,
while proclaiming that "the Mafia Killed JFK," pointed the finger at Italian/American mob figures and away from the direction of the Jewish elements
in the Lansky syndicate.)
That Fisher and Dalitz should be working together at this time is
interesting, inasmuch as during the early 1930's—nearly 20 years
previously—Fisher had been a "runner" for Dalitz's Purple Gang in Detroit,
carrying cash receipts to Bronfman family bootleggers in Canada in advance
payment for forthcoming shipments of illicit goods.874 Thus, the FisherDalitz relationship had come full circle. The two successful businessmen
who rose to affluence in the seamy world of the Lansky Crime Syndicate
were now engaged in covert (and undoubtedly profitable) activities to
advance the cause of Israel.
Fisher's activities in the public arena on behalf of Israel brought him to
public respectability. Until then he was simply known as a successful but
still relatively small-time oilman. However, in 1957 when he was brought
into Israel's Paz conglomerate as a partner with Tibor Rosenbaum and Shaul
Eisenberg, Fisher's fortunes and political influence grew immensely.
By 1964—at which time Congressman Gerald Ford of Michigan was
serving on the Warren Commission—Max Fisher was the undisputed
financial angel for Ford and the Republican Party of Michigan.
Fisher's fortunes continued to advance, however, as did his influence
within the Republican Party nationwide and in international Jewish affairs.
In 1975 the well-connected Mr. Fisher took over the chairmanship of United
Brands, formerly United Fruit.875 (The role of United Fruit in the 1954
coup in Guatemala—working in conjunction with the CIA—is discussed,
among other places, by David Wise and Thomas B. Ross in their book, The
Invisible Government—an early expose of the CIA—which refers to that
misadventure in Central America as "the CIA's banana revolt."876
So it is to this day that Tibor Rosenbaum and Gerald Ford's mutual
friend, Max Fisher, is one of the most powerful men in America—perhaps
the world. But Ford and Rosenbaum themselves shared another interesting
mutual friend. And, as we shall see, this mutual friend—like Max Fisher—
played a pivotal role in advancing Gerald Ford's political career at a critical
juncture in time.
In their friendly biography of Meyer Lansky, authors Dennis Eisenberg, Uri
Dan and Eli Landau feature an entire chapter devoted to Lansky's Mossad
associate, Tibor Rosenbaum, and examine Rosenbaum's colorful and
intriguing international connections. Of Rosenbaum, they point out:
"Another of his good friends in high places was Prince Bernhard,
consort of the Queen of the Netherlands, who invited him to the royal palace
in Holland to lecture leading Dutch bankers on good business practices. Here
too a scandal ensued, when the Prince sold a castle, the Warmelo, for
$400,000 to a Liechtenstein firm, Evlyma, Inc., owned by Rosenbaum's
[BCI]. Just why this castle was sold to the Swiss banker for what is described
as a ridiculously low price has never been made clear." 877
(Needless to say, the origins of this strange deal between Bernhard and
Rosenbaum is grist for a conspiracy theorist's mill. Was it a pay-off from
Bernhard to Rosenbaum for some other favor—such as Rosenbaum having
orchestrated an assassination, using his Mossad connections, for Bernhard
and his associates?
(Or was it instead, maybe, some blackmail payment by Bernhard to
Rosenbaum who, with his Mossad sources, might have come across some
compromising information about the controversial prince who was known
to be a wheeler and dealer of the worst order?)
At any rate—at the same time that Bernhard was engaged in intrigue
with Tibor Rosenbaum he was also bringing Gerald Ford into the highest
circles of the international elite.
THE BILDERBERG CONNECTION
Bernhard, the founder of a private international annual gathering, known as
the Bilderberg meetings, invited the Michigan congressman (just recently
appointed to the Warren Commission) to attend the 1964 Bilderberg meeting
held in Williamsburg, Virginia on March 20-22 of that year. The meetings
had been held regularly at locations around the world since 1954, named after
the Bilderberg Hotel in Holland where the first such meeting was held.
On April 11, 1964 Senator Jacob Javits (R-N.Y.) rose on the Senate floor
to announce that he had been in attendance at the 1964 meeting in
Williamsburg, Virginia. Joining him at the meeting, according to a list of
participants that Javits published in the Congressional Record, was only one
other member of Congress—Gerald Ford. Also at the meeting was John J.
McCloy, described as "lawyer and diplomat."878 McCloy, along with Ford,
was also at this time a member of the Warren Commission.
This international meeting—which concluded precisely four months
after the death of President Kennedy—could not have failed to have addressed
the impact of JFK's assassination on world affairs. What's more, there can
be no doubt that the ramifications of a possible conspiracy in the
assassination—particularly one emanating from a foreign source (whether it
be Castro's Cuba, the Soviet KGB—or the Mossad)—was also the subject
of discussion. It is highly unlikely, as a consequence, that the two Warren Commission members present, did not discuss the ongoing inquiry in the
"off-the-record" meeting taking place over the three-day affair.
Although the subject of Bilderberg and their impact on world affairs is
beyond the scope of this book—and has been analyzed in far better scope
elsewhere (particularly in The Spotlight newspaper and now in American
Free Press), there is no question Bernhard had ushered Ford into higher ranks
than he had ever been in before.
Among those who attend the elite Bilderberg meetings—generally no
more than roughly 100-120 people—are some of the wealthiest and most
powerful people in the world. The Bilderberg meetings—although "fronted"
by Bernhard—are financed jointly by the Rockefeller and Rothschild families
whose representatives are very much in attendance, along with a handful of
political figures from the United States and Western Europe, joined by select
names from major foundations, academia and labor.
Also on hand are big names from the media—although they are sworn
to secrecy and never report about the private discussions held during the
conference. For example: former CIA operative William F. Buckley, Jr.,
was invited to the Bilderberg meeting in Cesme, Turkey in 1975 879 but
Buckley's "conservative" National Review magazine has always assured its
readers that there is nothing "conspiratorial" about the Bilderberg group.
(The connections of Buckley's family to Israeli oil interests, examined
in Chapter 9, are interesting, especially since, as we've seen, the Rothschild
family initially dominated Israel's petroleum industry, later selling
substantial interests in their Paz conglomerate to Tibor Rosenbaum and
Gerald Ford's Michigan benefactor, Max Fisher.)
In any event, Gerald Ford himself was cognizant of the big honor that
had been bestowed upon him by Prince Bernhard when he was invited to
attend this select gathering. "You don't really belong to the organization;
one gets an invitation from the Prince," bragged Ford in 1965.880
(and who
in 1966 was once again invited by Tibor Rosenbaum's good friend, Prince
Bernhard, to attend this important international conclave). 881
However, Ford's first participation in the Bilderberg meeting in 1964
was not, in fact, the first time he was invited. In 1961 Ford was also invited to
attend a Bilderberg gathering in Quebec, but due to a heavy workload and family
problems—his children were "quite ill with scarlet fever" 882—young
Congressman Ford was unable to attend that elite confab.
Thus, it is no stretch of the imagination—nor is it any "conspiracy
theory"—to suggest that precisely because of his service on the Warren
Commission (coupled with his entree into the Bilderberg elite at precisely
the same time), Gerald Ford's ascension to higher office was assured. Other
JFK assassination researchers have suggested as much themselves, but they
have never explored Ford's connections as we have done here.
In this aspect—as in other aspects relative to the JFK assassination
conspiracy and cover-up—Final Judgment pulls no punches in looking at
the big picture: the other side of the jigsaw puzzle.
However, the far-reaching connections of the international banking
establishment and the Zionist elite into the affairs of the Warren Commission can be found in the resume of yet another commission
member.
JOHN McCLOY
We would be remiss in not discussing the other interesting (and little
known) ties of Ford's fellow participant at the 1964 Bilderberg meeting (and
fellow Warren Commission member) John McCloy. Although mostly
considered by JFK assassination researchers to be a part of the so-called
"WASP Establishment," McCloy himself had far-reaching ties into the
highest ranks of the Jewish elite who played a major part in the pro-Israel
lobby in America and as patrons of Israel. Not only did McCloy serve as a
director of the Empire Trust,883 a joint financial venture of such powerful
international Jewish families as the Lehmans, Loebs and the Bronfmans,884
but "his career had long been intertwined with the Warburgs," 885 to the
extent that he jointly owned property with them 886 but also served as a
legal counsel for members of the family.887 His relationship was so close
to the Warburgs that his own mother, a hairdresser, did the hair for Frieda
Warburg, one of the family's grande dames.888 The Warburgs, in fact,
emerged as major figures alongside the aforementioned Gerald Ford mentor,
Max Fisher and his business partner, Shaul Eisenberg, in the financial
affairs of Israel. And in 1964 their close associate John McCloy was
conveniently serving on the Warren Commission, carefully placed to cover
up any Israeli connection to the JFK affair that might emerge.
SOME CONCLUSIONS
We can rest assured, considering Ford's fealty to Max Fisher, that if
Fisher and his mob and Mossad cronies wanted "inside" information relating
to the Warren Commission inquiry that Ford was willing and able to
provide what they needed. Similar conclusions can rightly be reached about
John McCloy in light of his close ties to the Warburg family and other
interests intimately associated with the fortunes of the state of Israel.
Was there "Jewish influence" or a "Jewish presence" on the Warren
Commission? Yes, most definitely. What does this mean in terms of the
commission's conclusions? Very simply: if the theory put forth in Final
Judgment is correct—that Israel's Mossad played a role in the assassination
of President John F. Kennedy—then the cover-up mechanism was in place
from the very beginning. There was no way that the Warren Commission
would have—or could have—ever determined the truth.
Appendix Five
JFK's Greenbacks—
The Truth About The
Federal Reserve Connection.
A Grain of Truth and Much Misinformation.
Final Judgment was the first book ever to document the
fact that the Kennedy dynasty did indeed have intentions of
ultimately breaking the back of the Federal Reserve financial
monopoly over America's money system. However, there are
still those who—in all sincerity—are inadvertently spreading
misinformation about the JFK assassination conspiracy by
claiming that JFK—by executive order—reintroduced non-Federal Reserve controlled "U.S. Notes" into the American
economy during his administration. Yes, U.S. Notes were
issued during the Kennedy administration—there's no
question about it—but there's much more to the story that
needs to be told.
The story that "The Federal Reserve Killed JFK" is a part of the lore in
the JFK assassination conspiracy controversy. At the same time, however,
there is much misinformation about this subject and here I will attempt to
address the issue, although I am certain that no matter what I say there will
be those "true believers" who will not be interested in the facts, if only
because the facts contradict something that they have always long believed
as an article of faith.
Immediately after the release of the first edition of Final Judgment I
received several angry letters from readers who said essentially this:
Why don't you report in Final Judgment that President
Kennedy issued an executive order that inserted interest-free
money (sometimes called "greenbacks") into the American
economy, thereby circumventing the un-Constitutional,
international banker- controlled Federal Reserve money
monopoly? By doing so JFK put a real chink in the armor of
the Fed. This is almost certainly the primary reason that he
was assassinated, but you only mention the Fed in passing.
Even Jim Marrs mentions this in his book Crossfire.
To my surprise, I received such complaints despite the fact that in
Chapter 4 of Final Judgment, I do document—for the first time—a Kennedy
family plan to move all-out against the Fed. This was outlined by Joe
Kennedy in a private meeting with a personal long-time friend of mine,
international businessman and long-time patriotic leader, DeWest Hooker,
years before JFK was elected president.
So there's no question but that the Kennedys were indeed wise to the
ways of the Fed and eager to bring it into line when they could. It's a fact.
However, frankly, it seems pretty obvious that JFK was politically astute enough to know that he couldn't make any serious moves against the Fed
during his first term when he was facing a tough reelection campaign.
During his second term, however, he may well have made such moves.
When discussing the family's plans vis-à-vis the Fed, Joe Kennedy was
talking in the long term. He knew that it would be impossible, virtually
overnight, to dethrone the Fed and its controllers in the international
banking community. That's why the ultimate goal of the Kennedy family
was to consolidate their power and then move to strip the Fed bare.
The fact is, as I do additionally point out in Final Judgment, that there
were interest-free U.S. Notes issued during the Kennedy administration. I've
had a few of them in my own hands—but here's what is critical to
remember: these were issued pursuant to a long-standing federal policy of
issuing a certain number of U.S. Notes on a regular basis. These notes
would have been issued no matter who was president at the time—unless, of
course, a populist president had come to power and knocked out the Federal
Reserve completely. But that didn't happen.
WHAT MARRS SAID . . .
Now for those who have cited Marrs' book as a source on this story, I
will repeat, verbatim, what Marrs had to say (and this is what other
advocates of this theory contend):
"Another overlooked aspect of Kennedy's attempt to reform American
society involves money. Kennedy apparently reasoned that by returning to
the Constitution, which states that only Congress shall coin and regulate
money, the soaring national debt could be reduced by not paying interest to
the bankers of the Federal Reserve System, who print paper money [and]
then loan it to the government at interest.
"He moved in this area on June 4, 1963, by signing Executive order
11,110 which called for the issuance of $4,292,893,815 in United States
Notes through the U.S. Treasury rather than the traditional Federal Reserve
System. That same day, Kennedy signed a bill changing the backing of one-and
two-dollar bills from silver to gold, adding strength to the weakened U.S.
currency . . . A number of 'Kennedy bills' were indeed issued—the author
has a five-dollar bill in his possession with the heading 'United States
Note'—but were quickly withdrawn after Kennedy's death." 889
MISINFORMATION
Now careful readers of Mans' book would no doubt turn to his reference
notes to find out his source on this information. I'm sorry to report that he
cites my own former newspaper, The Spotlight, specifically its issue of
October 31, 1988 (page 2), as the source of this information.
The reason why I say I'm sorry is because in the very next issue, our
weekly newspaper published an apologetic correction from the editor
indicating that the information was erroneous and should never have been published. An inexperienced junior editor had inserted a brief news item in a
column in the newspaper and it had slipped past the other editors.
The information, in fact, was based on misinformation that had been
circulating for some years in an assortment of other newsletters that had
reprinted the story verbatim, without question. Our junior editor had seen
the story, found it thought-provoking, and committed it to print.
And now, as a consequence of what we reported, the story has taken on
additional life, particularly since Jim Marrs cited it and thousands of others
have seen Marrs' rendition and accepted it as fact. Since then, Marrs has
been cited on this time and again, on the Internet in particular.
AND NOW FOR THE FACTS
. . .
So, essentially, at issue is whether Executive Order (EO) 11,110,
signed by JFK on June 4, 1963 and supposedly repealed by LBJ within
hours of JFK's death, approved more than $4 billion in U.S. Notes, issued
directly by the treasury, in place of Federal Reserve Notes which earn
interest for the Federal Reserve banks.
In fact, it was the Reagan administration—not LBJ—that finally
repealed E0 11,110. And this E0 dealt with silver certificates—not
greenbacks—when Reagan signed EO 12,608, which revoked several
outdated executive orders.
EO 11,110 dealt with granting the Secretary of the Treasury the
authority to issue rules and regulations pertaining to freeing the secretary to
act without presidential approval on silver bullion sales. As president, JFK
revoked both of these with EO 11,110.
To repeat, the issuance of "greenbacks" (technically known as United
States Notes) was not even the subject of JFK's EO 11,110.
The greenbacks that were issued during the Kennedy administration were
issued pursuant to long-standing federal legislation mandating that a certain
number of U.S. Notes always be in circulation by the Treasury Department
although, as we shall see momentarily, the Treasury has not been following
that mandate.
For those not versed in the intricacies of finance and the Federal Reserve
controversy, here's a brief description of U.S. Notes as written by the late
Gertrude Coogan, a long-time student of the money question:
"U.S. Notes are the kind of money for which the private banker is not
charging the taxpayers interest. They are real money and pass today as full
legal tender. If all the money in use in this country were issued by the
United States government, we would not have periods in which the volume of
money suddenly diminished for some 'mysterious' reason. U.S. Notes
draw no interest on their creation, and they cannot be recalled."890 In short,
U.S. Notes provide no profit for the private banking interests whereas
Federal Reserve Notes do.
However, for the record, we will cite here the correct explanation as to
why 1) U.S. Notes were indeed issued during the Kennedy era and why 2)
U.S. Notes appear to now be "withdrawn" from circulation.
The fact is that an act of Congress passed on May 31, 1878 declared
that the U.S. Treasury is required to keep $322,539,016 in U.S. Notes in
circulation at all times.
However, as a Treasury Department officer, Rudy Villareal, then director of the Currency Operations Division at the Treasury Department
admitted to The Spotlight in a 1982 interview, the Treasury itself was not
issuing U.S. Notes into circulation even though it was mandated to do so
by the long-standing congressional legislation. He said that the U.S. Notes
were put in the so-called issue vault, but, as The Spotlight commented, "it
would appear that by some sort of semantic wizardry, the bureaucrats
consider these locked-up notes to qualify as 'circulating' currency.'"891
In fact, it does appear that the last time U.S. Notes were introduced into
the economy was during the JFK administration, but—to repeat—it was
done not by the special executive order issued by the president that is so
often cited by those who say that "The Federal Reserve Killed JFK."
Instead, the issuance of U.S. Notes during the Kennedy era was done in
pursuance of a law already on the books. Those who cite an executive order
by JFK that, in fact, refers to Silver Certificates, are making a big mistake and—
unintentionally or not—are doing a disservice to serious research in the
JFK assassination conspiracy. I cannot overemphasize this fact.
The Spotlight published these stories to try to counteract the
misinformation that it played a part in circulating, only to find that there
have been so many people committed to the story and so determined to
prove that "The Federal Reserve Killed JFK" that they have actually taken
umbrage at The Spotlight's efforts to set the record straight.
GETTING THE STORY STRAIGHT
But suffice it to say that The Spotlight was not part of any "cover-up"
of Fed involvement. Instead, The Spotlight was trying to get at the truth of
the matter, no matter what the cost, and attempting to prevent sincere
patriots and critics of the Fed from embarrassing themselves by circulating
misinformation that will only make them look foolish and give further
ammunition to the Fed when it seeks to discredit its critics.
I do indeed hope that this will set the record straight. There's no doubt,
as I've said, that the would-be Kennedy Dynasty had big plans to undo the
Federal Reserve monopoly on America's money, but EO 11,110 was most
emphatically not part of that long-range plan.
This story does continue to pop up again and again despite the efforts
by The Spotlight and others to set the record straight, it's taken on a life of
its own and I'm truly afraid that the story will never be put to rest.
In concluding this overview of the Federal Reserve "connection" to the
JFK assassination it is probably appropriate here to address, once again, but
from a different angle, the basic flaw in the theory (popular among "liberal"
JFK assassination researchers) that the conspiracy behind the assassination
was "right wing" in nature.
Perhaps the best example of how misguided this theory really is (and
how the theory itself is based on a misunderstanding of just what precisely
constitutes the thinking of the "right wing" in America) can be found in
Walt Brown's informative book, Treachery in Dallas, one of the better of
the more recent efforts to understand the JFK puzzle.
THE 'RIGHT WING' AND
THE FEDERAL RESERVE
Although Brown appears to be quite sincere and is surely not trying to
circulate disinformation, he pinpoints a "right wing" motive for the
assassination of President Kennedy that just simply is not a motive for the
"right wing." Brown delves into the sticky question of JFK's stance in
relationship to the privately-owned money monopoly known as the Federal
Reserve System and rehashes the popular myth that we've dissected above.
In Treachery in Dallas Brown writes: "When 'U.S. Notes' appear in
1962, they cost big business, as well as banking interests, a great deal of
money because the government, not the banks, had become the brokering
agent. Those 'U.S. Notes' disappeared, after November 22, as suddenly as
they had appeared." 892 He adds further:
"`Big money' interests in the United States took serious notice of the
fact that Kennedy saw to the beginning of the issuance of 'U.S. Notes,'
currency that was introduced into our economy as need arose by, of all
groups, the U.S. Treasury, the group constitutionally obligated to do so.
Other moneys were 'brokered' into the system by the Federal Reserve, of
which there is no mention in the Constitution, which is silent on private
corporations controlling the issuance of American currency." 893
While Brown's basic analysis of the basic way the Fed works is on the
mark (but factually incorrect as far as the actual details of the reason why the
U.S. Notes were issued) Brown makes an egregious mistake when he cites
the issuance of U.S. Notes as part of his evidence of a "right wing" motive
for wanting John F. Kennedy removed from the White House.
The fact is that Brown's perception of what constitutes "right wing"
versus "left wing" (or any wing, for that matter) in American politics is
obviously off base, for if Brown did any semblance of investigating, he
would find that it is the American "right wing" that has been so
vociferously critical of the Federal Reserve System.
With a few rare exceptions, such as two Texas populists of the left—
Rep. Wright Patman and Rep. Henry Gonzalez—and Rep. Jerry Voorhis,
the California Democrat whom Richard Nixon defeated for reelection to the
House of Representatives, the fiercest and most vocal critics of the Federal
Reserve and its money manipulation have been "right wing" populists,
ranging from Father Charles Coughlin, the radio priest of the 1930’s to
Col. James "Bo" Gritz, the widely-decorated Vietnam War hero who ran for
president as an independent candidate in the 1992 election. Gritz himself
claimed that the first thing he would do when elected president would be to
re-instate JFK's executive order issuing U.S. Notes into the economy. But, as
we have seen, there was no such executive order.
JFK's stance toward the Federal Reserve was, thus, a "right wing"
stance—more so than a "liberal" or "progressive" stance—particularly in
light of the fact that—as we saw early on in Final Judgment in Chapter 4—
JFK's tutelage on this issue came at his father's very "right wing" knee.
It is interesting to note that the aforementioned Jim Marrs also includes the
theory that "The Federal Reserve Killed JFK"—my description of the myth,
not his—in his chapter in Crossfire entitled "Rednecks and Oilmen—Right wing Extremists and Texas Millionaires" as though there is some relation
between the interests of the "right wing extremists" and the controllers of the
Federal Reserve. Again, as we have seen, this is based on misperception at best
and bad research at worst, but it does further muddy the waters on an already
controversial element of an even more controversial overall topic.
The Federal Reserve certainly has it within its power the ability to
manipulate "right wing extremists" for its own purposes. However, as we
have seen in our appendix on Guy Banister and his "right wing" associates,
there can be detected a "right wing" connection (so to speak) to the JFK
assassination conspiracy, but there is certainly much more to the story than
Brown and Marrs and others clearly understand (or perhaps care to say).
The banking interests that profit from the Federal Reserve monopoly are,
it should be noted, tied closely to the European Rothschild dynasty as
documented in such works as Eustace Mullins' monumental study, The
Federal Reserve Conspiracy, which is undoubtedly the most authoritative
work on the subject and one which has been the cornerstone of all
subsequent writing on the subject.
So when one recalls that the Rothschild family, in fact, has been a
primary patron of the state of Israel, we can easily suggest, then, that even
the theory that "The Federal Reserve Killed JFK" has its own legitimate
ring of truth, insofar as the role of Israel's Mossad—in league with the CIA
and the Lansky mob—does indeed point back to a Rothschild and Federal
Reserve connection to the assassination conspiracy.
THE EVIDENCE REFUTES THE MYTH
. . .
One last important item worthy of mention: illustrated in the photo
section of Final Judgment is a 1966 United States Note. I have held this
1966 United States Note in my hands. It is genuine. It is in the private
possession of a veteran critic of the Federal Reserve System.
The very fact that this 1966 United States Note exists is proof positive
that it is an absolute myth that no United States Notes were issued after
1963. It is thus a myth that President Johnson withdrew all U.S. Notes
from circulation upon assuming the presidency after the death of JFK.
In the end, those who are truly seeking the facts about the JFK
assassination conspiracy do themselves no service by promulgating false
information about the Federal Reserve connection. Thus, I am pleased to be
able to use this opportunity in an attempt to set the record straight.
Next
Appendix Six
Retribution?
The Strange Deaths of William Colby and John Paisley
Was There a JFK Assassination Connection?
notes
Appendix Four
Agents of Influence
843 Donald Gibson. "The Creation of the Warren Commission." Probe, May June 1996.
844 Edward Herman. The Terrorism Industry. (New York: Random House,
1989), p. 89.
845 Various documents released publicly by the Assassinations Records Review
Board in 1997 and available on the Internet at
nsa.govidocs/efoidreleasedijfichtml.
846 David Kaplan, "The JFK Probe-25 Years Later." The National Law
Journal, November 28, 1988.
847 Ibid.
[486] Final Judgment 583
848 James DiEugenio. Destiny Betrayed. (New York: Sheridan Square Press,
1992), p. 349.
849 Kaplan. Ibid.
850 Ibid.
851
Ibid.
852 Ibid.
853
Ibid.
854 Peter Dale Scott. Deep Politics and the Death of JFK. (Berkeley, California:
University of California Press, 1993), p. 341.
855 Moment, December 1996.
856 Ovid Demaris. Captive City. (New York: Lyle Stuart, 1969), pp. 214222.
857 Scott, Ibid., p. 20.
858
The Councilor. June 1, 1967.
859 The National Law Journal, Ibid.
860 Ibid.
861
Ibid.
862 The National Police Gazette, December 1974.
863 Gerald R. Ford. A Time to Heal: The Autobiography of Gerald R. Ford.
(New York: Harper & Row, 1979), p. 248.
864 Edward Tivnan: The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign
Policy. (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987), p. 79.
865
Jean Baer. The Self Chosen. (New York: Arbor House, 1982), p. 313.
866 Wolf Blitzer. Between Washington and Jerusalem. (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1985), p. 132.
867 Ibid., p. 157.
868 J. J. Goldberg. Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish Establishment.
(Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Inc.,
1996), pp. 169-170.
869 Ibid.
870 Ibid., pp. 465-466.
871 Executive Intelligence Review. Dope, Inc. (Washington, DC: Executive
Intelligence Review, 1992), p. 502.
872 Ibid., p. 505.
873 Ibid., p. 507.
874 Ibid., p. 503.
875 Ibid., p. 509.
876 David Wise and Thomas B. Ross. The Invisible Government. (New York:
Random House, 1964), pp. 168-171.
877 Dennis Eisenberg, Uri Dan and Eli Landau. Meyer Lansky: Mogul of the
Mob. (New York: Paddington Press Ltd., 1979), p. 272.
878 Congressional Record, April 11, 1964.
879 Liberty Lobby. Spotlight on the Bilderbergers. (Washington, DC: Liberty
Lobby, 1997), p. 33.
880 The Danbury News-Times, June 21, 1974.
584 Reference Notes [487]
881 Congressional Record, September 15, 1971.
882 A letter dated February 21, 1961 from Gerald Ford (signed "Jerry") to
Gabriel Hauge, a longtime figure in the Bilderberg meetings on file among
Hauge's private papers at Stanford University.
883 Malachi Martin. The Keys of This Blood. (New York: Simon & Schuster,
1990), p. 335.
884 Stephen Birmingham. Our Crowd. (New York: Harper & Row, 1967), p.
378.
885 Ron Chernow. The Warburgs. (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), pp. 575-
576.
886 Ibid., p. 619.
887 Ibid., p. 576.
888 Ibid.,
Appendix Five
JFK's Greenbacks
889 Jim Marrs, Crossfire. (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1995), p. 275.
890 The Spotlight, February 15, 1982 and April 20, 1992.
891 Ibid.
892 Walt Brown. Treachery in Dallas. (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1995), p.
85.
893 Brown, p. 318.
