Showing posts with label Washington DC. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Washington DC. Show all posts

Sunday, January 24, 2021

Part 1: Alien Agenda Why They Came Why They Stayed

Alien Agenda 

Why They Came 

Why They Stayed 

By Steve Peek

CHAPTER ONE 


My name is James Sanford Tate. I am old but healthy. I am an only child. When I had friends they called me Jim. My wife died two years ago: cancer. Our only child was killed in Afghanistan, so I am without living relatives. I spent a career working for the government. Beginning at Naval Intelligence, my path wound through the Pentagon, the CIA, NSA, Congress, and groups you will never hear about. When I retired a black SUV followed me home. It was never far away. Three years ago I buried the family dog, a fifteen-year-old retriever named Crypto then vanished into Mexico and have been moving ever since. So far I have stayed ahead of the SUV, sometimes by only a few minutes. I expect someday that will change. While none of this has anything to do with you, my story does. I will begin in the middle. 

It is around 0100 hours on 22 May, 1949. A fifty-seven-year-old man in room 1618 sits at a table reading and copying part of Ajax, a play by Sophocles. In the play, the battle of Troy is over. Ajax swears revenge because the armor of the fallen Achilles has been given to Odysseus instead of Ajax. The reader finds irony in the poetry. 

He hears the man sleeping in the adjoining room. It is Dr. Robert Deen, assistant to his attending physician, Dr. George Raines. Dr. Deen mumbles something then rolls over and is silent. Dr. Deen’s room shares a bathroom with room 1618 in the hospital. 

The man hears something else. He stops writing in mid word, stands up, then walks to each of the three windows in his room, carefully checking to see they are securely locked. The windows in Room 1618 are large. Though the room is on the sixteenth floor, he has lately added windows to a growing list of fears. Dr. Raines tells him that fear of windows is new to the psychiatric vernacular and does not yet have a name. He is not afraid of the windows themselves, but rather what is on the other side. He cannot share this with the good doctor. Not because Dr. Raines would think him more ill than he is, but because the doctor does not have the proper security clearance. 

He pauses and looks down at the open book. What is Ajax to do? He has been loyal, he fought with the best. Only the dead sacrificed more, and his reward is humiliating betrayal. He sees only two choices: suicide or revenge. 

The man puts his finger alongside his twice-broken nose and rubs the ancient wound. His tight lips barely move, and no one is there to see the slight smile he almost never shows. He knows what Ajax should have done. 

His expression returns to its natural state: unreadable, devoid of humor, a hint of menace. He’s feeling hungry and moves toward the kitchen across the hall. Hunger is a good sign. He has gained twelve pounds since checking into Bethesda Naval Hospital fifty days ago. He has also gained strength, physical and mental, and will soon play his own Ajax. 

The kitchen is small. A refrigerator, sink, table with four chairs, and cupboard cabinets make it crowded. There is a short, iron radiator beneath a small window. The window is open. This is bad, he thinks, very bad. 

Just after 1:00 AM the seventh-floor night nurse hears a thump from outside but does not check. At 1:50 AM the attendant checks Room 1618 and finds the patient missing. He is remarkably calm considering this is his first night working at the hospital. The staff is roused and the search begun. 



At 1:50 AM they find the body directly below the kitchen window on the roof of a three-story wing of the hospital. One end of the robe’s belt is knotted tightly around his neck. Within one hour the Maryland County Coroner confirms the death a suicide. The theory is he tied the other end of the belt to the radiator, crawled through the small window, and jumped. The knot at the radiator must have come undone and now America’s first Secretary of Defense, James Forrestal, is dead. The Navy concluded an investigation into his death on 31 May, but refused to release any information until 12 October. Even then there was no mention of cause of death, only exoneration of the parties present. No one was to blame. 

A few people whispered suspicions about Forrestal’s death. His brother Henry had fought hard to visit him and, after several denials, finally won a brief visit then, after threatening legal action, made arrangements to take his brother to a private hospital on 24 May. Forrestal’s long-time friend and priest, Monsignor Sheehy—also denied visitation rights—swears that, at Forrestal’s funeral, the regular hospital orderly for Room 1618 told him in hushed tones the death was not an accident. Dr. Raines measured the length of cloth belt, the distance from the radiator to the window, and saw the absurdity of Forrestal attempting to hang himself in this particular location. He also knew about Forrestal’s fear of windows. Even so, he kept his mouth shut. 

Why James Vincent Forrestal suffered a nervous breakdown and committed suicide is not an official mystery. The stress of unifying the US military with severely restricted budgets in the face of the growing Soviet threat would have cracked most men. 

Then again, Forrestal wasn’t most men. A first-generation Irish-American who worked his way from a poor family in rural New York through Princeton University then to one of the top trading houses on Wall Street had to have something special. Though living the good life, he went off to fight as a naval pilot in World War I. His superiors saw his dogged determination and intelligence, and he worked his way up the ranks, eventually becoming Secretary of the Navy, and finally ending his illustrious career as America’s first Secretary of Defense, chosen so because he was exactly the right man at the right time to prepare the United States and the world to deal with something far worse than the growing Communist menace. 

To know why such a man might have cracked, we need to start in 1943. We need to begin four years before President Truman radioed Washington from his plane instructing that Forrestal be sworn in immediately and be available to meet with Air Force General Twining on 23 September regarding an urgent matter.

CHAPTER TWO 


I am involved in all of this because I had a very unusual security clearance. 

Let’s talk about security clearances. Just because a person has a high level clearance doesn’t mean they know much. It’s sometimes the opposite. On assignment you may be expected to know every detail of a very narrow topic, but when your boss’s bosses decide something you think is relevant isn’t, then you cannot access what could be vital pieces to your puzzle. They call it compartmentalization. You are only allowed to know what you absolutely have to know. Someone above you is supposed to connect information between the compartments: the bigger the secrets, the more compartmentalization. 

Compartmentalization is intended to prevent individuals from knowing more than their security clearance warrants; oaths are intended to keep people from revealing what they know. Everyone with a security clearance takes an oath. In theory, the oath-taker vows never to intentionally or unintentionally, under threat of death or during torture, break the oath. In a perfect world this would be sufficient. In our world it’s a little more involved. 

There are oaths and then there are oaths. If a Boy Scout breaks an oath, he might lose a merit badge; a postal worker who doesn’t deliver in rain might lose his job, a doctor the license to practice. These are nonconsequential oaths. Swearing to serve in the US military puts a little bite in the oath. At this point, you accept military rules, regulations, and laws. If you are late for work and your boss is an asshole, you may be charged with Article Fifteen. Article Fifteen is a military catch-all infraction that basically says so long as the punishment is not too severe, your superior asshole who happens not to like you can make you work extra duty, or you can choose a court-martial. If you do something really horrible, like fall asleep while guarding a trash dump, you might even serve prison time. If the trash dump is in a combat zone, you might be executed for napping. 

An oath with teeth—that’s exactly what is needed to prevent people working on secret projects from letting top-secret cats out of government bags. If convicted of a security breach, a person may be imprisoned or executed. This, of course, crawls through a legal labyrinth and threatens the possibility of further secrets being disclosed, and exposure and embarrassment to organizations that technically do not exist. Somewhere along the line someone realized a fleet of black SUVs is a more efficient way to dispense swift justice to oath breakers. 

The boss of the SUVs, the Dispatcher, does not decide who an SUV visits. He merely accepts the call, evaluates the circumstances, decides which Driver to assign, and sets events in motion. Black SUV Drivers come in all shapes and sizes. The team that visited James Forrestal on the 16th floor of the hospital were black operatives of the CIA, NSA, or any of a number of acronyms that do not exist in any documentation available to the public, congress or, in some cases, even presidents (plausible deniability is a precious thing in Senate hearings.) On the other end of the spectrum are the people who are not on agencies’ payrolls. They are civilians, freelance thugs, hired by more important thugs who themselves are hired by voices on a phone. No one in this business accepts checks or credit cards. So the backbone of making sure people take oaths seriously is a fleet of SUVs. 

The SUV system worked so well that one day, someone started worrying about the possibility of someone breaching security. They were apparently successful in making their point, and authorized the Dispatcher to send a preemptive visit. The Secretary of Defense, Forrestal, did not actually break an oath. He died because someone was afraid he might. Forrestal is not the only case of preemptive strikes to preserve national secrets. Not by a long shot—across a grassy knoll. 

Everyone who works with ultra-sensitive information is aware of this system. They don’t know the details. What they do know is if you have access to top secrets, you are watched. If you become a person of interest, your every movement and conversation is recorded. If you become a possible threat, you will probably be dead within a year. 

How you die is based on how you live. It might be a heart attack, a traffic accident, an overdose, or a suicide. It depends on what works for you. Aren’t they considerate? Only in the most extreme cases will someone be killed in a way that raises suspicions of foul play. 

Let’s say you work with ultrasensitive data and you are developing twangs of conscience. You think it is in the greater good to make this information public. Let’s go a step further and say you recently found out you are dying of cancer and have a year to live. What’s to stop you from coming forward? Nothing unless you have a family: children, grandchildren, spouses, parents, siblings, and pets—it’s all roadkill to the men who drive SUVs. 

No one knows about all this when they take their oath, but everyone figures it out. So at this level there are more than teeth in the oath. 

In 1970 I was a Scribe. Scribes create white-paper documents and summaries when two or more compartmentalized top secrets are connected. Needless to say, there are never many Scribes. 

In the old days we reported only to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Today it is much more political, the lines of power blurred. We can work almost anywhere there is a secure Internet connection, but in the 70s we worked mostly in the Pentagon or Langley with TDY assignments to military bases when we needed to see something first hand. We travel under fake identities when we leave the United States. 

Obviously, the few Scribes do not suffer as much compartmentalization. We do suffer constant scrutiny in every aspect of our lives. We have access to the most terrifying information available, and will be eliminated in the blink of an eye if suspected of dreaming about breaching the oath. 

You might say being a Scribe is a dead-end job. Once you are assigned to it, there’s no place else to go. Scribes go in, but they don’t come out. It is a lifetime assignment. 

I happened to be one of the Scribes on duty when I fell into this mess, of which Forrestal’s death is only the tip of the iceberg. 

Harry Parcel—a fellow Scribe—and I completed cleansing the Roswell documents when our boss called. I was given the new assignment for two reasons: I was up to speed on Roswell, and typed faster than Harry. 

This begins the tale that led to what now seems the inconsequential death of James Forrestal. Now hear this. 

The urgent matter that caused Forrestal to be hastily sworn in as Secretary of Defense in 1947 began during World War II with something called the Philadelphia Experiment. I was not part of that project, but nine years later was assigned to the official files as they related to the Roswell Incident. 

There is almost always some truth in a myth. The popular Philadelphia Experiment legend contains only three truths: there was an experiment involving a ship in Philadelphia. 

In 1955, Dr. Morris Jessup (he never obtained his PhD, but liked to be called doctor) wrote a book titled A Case for UFOs. A reader, Carlos Allende, wrote Jessup claiming while aboard a ship in August, 1943 he witnessed an experiment at the Philadelphia shipyard in which Destroyer 173, the USS Eldridge, was made to vanish in a green fog. When it reappeared 11 minutes later, the crew suffered nightmarish effects from invisibility. Over the next few years, Jessup worked with Allende (whose real name was Carl Allen). Jessup concluded the Philadelphia Experiment was a secret project— using Einstein’s Unified Field Theory—that went wrong. In 1959, while driving to visit a friend, Jessup apparently and quite suddenly decided life was not so great, turned around, went back to his garage, ran a hose from his exhaust to inside his car, and died. Those inclined to conspiracy theories maintain Jessup’s death was one of those early demises brought on by the men who drive black SUVs. Of course the alleged suicide added fuel to the strange tale, and when Charles Berlitz’s book on the Philadelphia Experiment became a bestseller the story went national. Dozens of articles and books, as well as television shows and movies, have covered the subject. Today, clear thinking people recognize the Philadelphia Experiment story as a successful media hoax. 

It doesn’t take much research to discover the USS Eldridge was elsewhere during the time the experiment supposedly took place. Diehards claimed the Navy simply changed the Eldridge’s log, but when numerous other ships’ logs mentioned her in company, those conspiracy fans acknowledged maybe it was not the Eldridge but another ship. God knows how they came up with the name, but they claimed it was the Timmerman, another destroyer. The Timmerman was in Philadelphia as part of an experiment to amplify electronic degaussing being used to make ships hulls less likely to detonate magnetic mines. 

I suspect an admiral or two sweated bullets when the Timmerman’s name came up. I am told it is mentioned in some of Jessup’s notes, and in his uncompleted manuscript—which officially never existed. 

My new assignment was about to teach me what really happened. I sat at a table with pen, pad, typewriter, and a document box labeled Project Rainbow: Events Preceding 8 July, 1947.

Now hear this! 

Prior to entering World War II, the US had a secret weapon—the magnetic torpedo. It targeted a ship’s own magnetic field to detonate directly beneath the keel, accomplishing the destructive work of two or three torpedoes exploding upon striking the side of the target. By 1942, it was obvious German submarines had a similar weapon. 

While the magnetically detonated torpedo remained classified until well after World War II, the existence of magnetic mines was common knowledge. Unlike contact mines, they did not have to touch the ship to detonate. The Navy wanted a way to neutralize both these weapons. 

While mines were a threat to allied shipping, they were of minor concern compared to torpedoes. The numbers of ships lost to each type of weapon makes this extremely clear. The Navy had already demonstrated minor success against magnetic mines by degaussing ships, but it wasn’t close to perfect, and it had no effect on torpedoes. The idea was to create one device that could counter both. 

Making a ship invisible to a magnetic proximity fuse would certainly do the trick. If the ship’s magnetic field could be eliminated, the torpedoes would speed beneath the surface until they ran out of fuel then sink harmlessly to the bottom. All the same, the method would be extremely expensive if it were intended to protect thousands of small freighters, each of which would have to be fitted with its own electronic array of magnetic invisibility equipment. 

The Navy took a more efficient approach. We wanted to fit warships with an electrical apparatus that projected a strong magnetic field some distance around the ship—a field strong enough to detonate magnetic proximity fuses a hundred yards from intended targets. If this idea worked, destroyer escorts—ringing a convoy of dozens of merchant vessels—could protect the entire group from the threat of magnetic torpedoes at a fraction of the cost of fitting every merchantman with its own device. 

With this in mind, the Navy enlisted the best brains in the country, including Mr. E=MC 2 himself. But the team’s real genius was Richard Feynman (pronounced Fineman). He was a brilliant young physicist working with the Manhattan Project to develop the atomic bomb. Einstein said he would be invaluable on the Rainbow team. Einstein received what he wanted, and he wanted Feynman because when it came to electronics there was no one better. After the war, Feynman won a Noble Prize for his work on quantum electrodynamics. 

On 28 March, 1943 the team from Rainbow presented their theory and recommendations for stage-one experiments. The Navy went to work obtaining or creating machines, and began looking for a ship: enter the USS Hambleton. 

The destroyer was designated DD-455, and entered service at Norfolk, Virginia on 31 January, 1942. 28 October she joined the Western Naval Task Force and participated in the invasion of French Morocco. On 11 November a U-boat torpedo struck the Hambleton amidships on the port side. Damage control parties kept her afloat, and she was towed to Casablanca for emergency repairs. Seabees cut the ship in two, removed a 40-foot section of damaged hull, then joined the two remaining halves together. Tended by a skeleton crew and escorted by a tug, Hambleton reached Boston on 28 June, 1943 for permanent repairs. 

There the Hambleton received special attention. Under the guise of rushing this heroic ship back into the war, for propaganda reasons her repairs went round the clock, with extra workers to further accelerate the work. In the finishing stages of repair she was fitted with unusual electrical machinery. 

On the night of 1 August, 1943, still missing 40 feet of length, she left Boston and proceeded to Philadelphia. She had been temporarily renamed and numbered: the USS Timarron, DE-173. On 12 August, about the time Carl Allen—a.k.a. Carlos Allende—claims to have seen the Eldridge vanish, he may have seen a greenish coronal effect caused by her massive generators. Or more likely he wasn’t there, and remembered the date and ship’s name wrong because he heard the story secondhand. 

Either way, the experiment failed. A series of electronic proximity fuses suspended at various depths beneath the Hambleton’s keel failed to detonate. Perhaps the fuses were not sensitive enough, but this failure was of little consequence. Something else happened. The ship was surrounded by devices measuring the magnetic field during the experiment. Each magnetometer reported the exact readings. As the generators increased power, the field’s strength grew outward from the ship, then—as the power reached maximum—the field collapsed into itself. 

Einstein and Feynman understood the theoretical ramifications, and recommended Project Rainbow be placed in Alamogordo, New Mexico with the Manhattan Project, where further research would be conducted as progress on the atomic bomb permitted. 

The Hambleton sailed back to Boston to complete repairs. She was assigned a new crew and sent to serve in the Mediterranean before D-Day and no one was the wiser. 

Work on the atomic bomb was the priority. Almost nothing happened with Rainbow until after the A-bomb was tested. On 16 July, 1945, Gadget —the nickname for the first A-bomb—was detonated at what became known as the White Sands Missile Range. One week later a team was officially assigned to explore the results of the Project Rainbow Experiment. 

Richard Feynman was a physicist’s physicist. While he won a Noble Prize for quantum electrodynamics, he was also a genius in other areas, like particle theory and the growing field of quantum physics. But like many of the other prominent members of the Manhattan Project, he seemed to have had his fill of secret projects, and returned to universities and private research. Feynman did not stay with Project Rainbow to completion, but he contributed heavily in solving theoretical problems. 

On 6 January, 1947, the Project Rainbow team tested the device unexpectedly born from the Philadelphia Experiment. Looking like a cannon of metal rods wrapped in dense coils, it was intended to project a focused, electromagnetic field that disabled electronic circuitry the same way as the electromagnetic pulse (EMP) from a nuclear explosion, but without all the fire and death. It worked. While it would be years before it was perfected, the team increased its power, range, and accuracy over the next few months. 

Then one day in June some scientists decided to play with the new gun. It went off and triggered the biggest event in human history.

CHAPTER THREE 


If the Philadelphia Experiment was media dynamite, the Roswell Incident detonated a nuclear blast for UFO phenomena. For every word printed about the Philadelphia Experiment, ten thousand have appeared about Roswell. 

So much has been written, recorded, and filmed that it is impossible to sort out the details of the events on and after Friday, 20 June, 1947. Between conspiracy theorists, UFO nuts, and government-issued disinformation, there are too many trails crisscrossing too many muddied creeks for even the best bloodhound to follow. But then again, there is always some truth to every myth. 

Creating the official summary and cleansing the Roswell Incident documents led to my work on the Philadelphia Experiment. I was never personally involved in any of the activities surrounding Roswell, but it is possible that I know more about what really happened than any person alive. One of the reasons for this is that the 1947 versions of black SUVs rolled up heavy mileage over the next three years. Now hear this! 

Around four o’clock on the afternoon of 20 June, 1947, two technicians tasked with recovering the truck-mounted Project Rainbow EMF Projector, and another truck fitted with generators, decided to play. They cranked up the power and fired a series of beams skyward. 

After fifteen minutes, the junior geniuses shut the projector down and secured the equipment for the drive to the garage. They were oblivious to the consequences of their fun until Friday, 8 August, when CIC investigators cornered them in their lab. 

It had taken over a month of strange occurrences and high alerts for anyone to suspect activities at Alamogordo had anything to do with the Roswell Incident. Once the Alamogordo think tank connected the Roswell crash with Project Rainbow, it did not take long to determine the projector had a missing fifteen minutes of use in the log, which led to the fun seekers. 

Ninety-six hours later, they were allowed to go home: unwashed, unshaven, but not unwarned. They were never allowed to speak of the incident again. The irony is that they had no idea why they were questioned. Other than the coronal and charged effects of close proximity to the electromagnetic device, they had seen or heard nothing. If the Minutemen of Concord fired the shot heard round the world, these guys fired the shot heard through the multiverse. Oh yes, during the next three years, both died of stroke. They would have lived longer had it not been for a rancher named Mac Brazel. 

Following a night of thunderstorms, Mac Brazel went out on Saturday, 21 June to check the livestock on the Foster Ranch in Corona, New Mexico, 75 miles northwest of Roswell. Mac found a large area containing debris, picked some up, and carried it back to the line house he lived in while working for Mr. Foster. The next day he visited his nearest neighbors, the Proctors, and told them about the debris. They told him he should show the material to Chaves county sheriff, George Wilcox. 

Priorities in Corona are different than those in big cities. It was a long trip to the sheriff’s office, so Brazel decided to wait until after the July 4 holiday and see the sheriff while in Roswell on other business. 

On the afternoon of 6 July, Brazel shows the debris and tells his story to Sheriff Wilcox. Wilcox calls the nearby Roswell Army Airfield and conveys the story to Major Jesse Marcel, base intelligence officer. Marcel’s boss, Colonel William Blanchard, authorizes Marcel to investigate the field of debris. 7 July, accompanied by Captain Sheridan Cavitt and Mac Brazel, Marcel leads the group in gathering up as much of the debris as possible, then returns to Roswell Army Airfield. 8 July, Colonel Blanchard calls General Roger Ramey to initiate a search and recovery operation on the Foster Ranch. Later, Blanchard authorizes a press release announcing the military has found a crashed flying disc. 

Within minutes of this news reaching the Pentagon, General Ramey receives a call from General Twining telling him exactly what to say and do. The press release is retracted with a new story—the debris is from a weather balloon. 

A twenty-mile square centered in the Foster Ranch debris field is cordoned off by military police on 9 July. 

11-25 July the military conducts a search-and-recovery operation using aircraft, military intelligence officers, and a handful of civilians from Alamogordo. 

Several truckloads of recovered material arrive at Alamogordo on 27 July. The material is processed, divided into four groups, and dispersed under secrecy. 

Group one consists of pieces that may potentially be debris from weapons. This is flown to Forth Worth, Texas, placed on a transport aircraft, and flown to Wright-Patterson Field in Ohio. The second group incorporates all pieces that have higher radiation readings than the wreckage in general. This material is trucked to Las Vegas Army Airfield. 

Group three is composed of wreckage consistent with aerodynamics and may have been essential to flight. It found its way to Camp Cooke, located 150 miles north of Los Angeles. The last group remains at Alamogordo and includes items from across the other groups, as well as anything ‘of scientific interest.’ 

Knowing to which place each group was taken is significant. 

Wright-Patterson Field eventually became Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, and is the primary place where captured enemy aircraft are studied and new weapons are conceived, designed, built, and tested. 

Las Vegas Army Airfield was part of the Nevada Test Site (NTS), where radiation from nuclear tests was studied and measured. It consisted of 14,000 square acres and 10,000 square miles of restricted airspace. The base had been deactivated in January, 1947 but the NTS portion remained operational. Mysteriously, the base was reactivated in January, 1948 and renamed Nellis Air Force Base in 1950. 

Camp Cooke, California contained the military’s highest maximum security prison. When Camp Cooke was deactivated in 1946, the prison continued to house the military’s most recalcitrant prisoners. Camp Cooke was also reactivated in August, 1950 as Cooke Air Force Base and given the mission and designation as Air Research & Development Command. One of its primary objectives included atypical and non-winged flight. It was renamed Vandenberg Air Force Base in 1958. 

Between July, 1947 and the end of 1950, these bases each received numerous shipments of secret cargo. 

Thus ends the official report of the Roswell Incident. It is worth noting that Major Marcel, the Roswell Army Airfield intelligence officer who ‘confused’ the debris of a downed weather balloon with that of a flying saucer, received the highest possible marks on his efficiency reports from Colonel Blanchard and General Ramey in 1948. In 1949 he received notice of transfer to work in the Pentagon’s top secret Special Weapons Program. It would seem the military was very forgiving of his terrible mistake. 

This is also the conclusion of the first box of documents’ contents. The second report—titled Project Rainbow Phase II: Events from July 1947 to August 1952—begins a new chapter in human history.

CHAPTER FOUR 


Twenty-four hours after interrogating the lads who played with the EMF projector, radar installation crews and equipment were on their way to Roswell Field. In less than a week, field radar units were up and running at Roswell, Corona, and Alamogordo. 

Prior to World War II, radar was not very accurate or dependable. It was so crude the radar at Pearl Harbor misinterpreted hundreds of Japanese attack craft as a small flight of B-17s. One thing about war, it’s the best jump-start to improve weapons and defenses. By the end of World War II, antisubmarine aircraft were fitted with three-centimeter radar that could pick up a one-foot diameter U-boat snorkel riding ten feet above choppy waves. Granted, radar in 1947 was nowhere near what it is today, but it could distinguish targets of different sizes, speeds, and altitudes. 

Throughout 1947, the military radar stations in and around the Four Corners states made dozens of contacts with unknown objects. Military pilots had reported numerous sightings of disc, cylindrical, and triangular shaped craft. While UFOs were officially born when civilian pilot Kenneth Arnold reported seeing flying saucers near Mt. Rainier in June, 1947, the military had been scratching their heads for months over the mysterious invaders of US airspace. 

And not just any airspace: Alamogordo and the atomic-bomb test site were secret enough, but at the time, the squadron of B-29s stationed at Roswell Field possessed the world’s only nuclear arsenal. 

Once operational, the radar at all three locations began picking up images that suddenly appeared on their screen at mid distances, traveled at speeds up to six times military aircraft capabilities, made impossible maneuvers, and vanished mid screen as mysteriously as they appeared. Many of the contacts moved in a ‘Z’ pattern while on radar. 

The ‘Z’ flight pattern is a standard procedure for searching an area with a single aircraft. The boys in Washington knew what they searched for. They had it and planned to find more. 

The brains of the Manhattan Project were called upon to theorize what was taking place. The teams still working at Alamogordo worked in groups; the others, who had dispersed to more normal lives of science, worked remotely and communicated through military couriers and liaisons. Not surprisingly, it was Richard Feynman who provided the connection. 

The brain trust began with these questions: what are they? Why are they here now? Why do they cluster in this area? 

After examining the evidence, Feynman formed a theory. Feynman’s answers to the primary questions were dead-on. 

The craft, manned or unmanned, were from a place—or places—other than Earth. 

Feynman’s answers to the other questions perfectly connected all three. Based on the number of craft and their capabilities, he reasoned that the crafts’ owners were not new to existence. Because they previously existed and clearly had the ability to visit our planet, but heretofore had not visited as often or as openly, something changed to attract them. Feynman felt the change was obvious—the detonation of nuclear explosives. 

In 1947 there had been only five: the Trinity Test of the Manhattan Project, the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and two test blasts in the Pacific during Operation Crossroads. In addition to offering a greater threat to global stability than any other man made event in human history, the unleashed atom touched the fabric of our universe. It was the effect on the universal fabric that Feynman believed attracted the visitors who flashed on and off radar screens and zipped ‘Z’ patterns over a desert containing the world’s most active nuclear program. 

So, they were not from this Earth, they were here now because of nuclear explosions, and they were in this area because of active nuclear research and programs. Just as everyone in Alamogordo was collectively nodding yes and wondering how Richard always made things look so obvious and easy, Feynman bowed out of active participation in the project. 

The next questions for Team Genius were: what exactly about nuclear explosives attracted the intruders? Where did they most likely come from? 

Again, answering the first question led to answering the second. A nuclear detonation is an instant release of energy. The energy manifests in an explosion as light, heat, sound, shockwave, and radiation. While catastrophic, all are regional to a degree. None provide a global impact. The light, heat, and radiation may be detectable within our solar system. Even if an element of the nuclear explosions on Earth could have been detected on the nearest star, it would have taken four years to reach there. Since the bombs were detonated in 1945 and 1946, the earliest any sign could have been noticed would have been 1949. So unless the owners of the uninvited vehicles could travel back in time, their appearance in 1947 made it seem unlikely they were stellar neighbors. [interesting point DC]

A collective ‘hmmmmm?’ sounded among the scientists as this realization set in. Then the Rainbow Team had a eureka moment. There is another element of a nuclear explosion: a high intensity burst of electromagnetism. How and why would this attract the visitors? 

In 1947, quantum physics was in its infancy. Only the brightest of the bright could wrap their minds around the concepts that would eventually evolve from theories to mathematical models to experiments providing proof. 

The short history is this: in the 1930s, physicists gained the ability to test atomic particles. The problem was that, when tested, atomic particles weren’t. What were thought to be particles acted like waves, not matter. When tested as waves, they reverted to behaving like a particle. It seemed they shared their time between the two states, or in quantum speak—particle duality. 

As time passed and science gained the ability to refine atomic particle testing, it was determined that, whether particle or wave, they didn’t exist at all. Well, they did exist, and then they didn’t. They blinked in and out of existence. This posed an enormous question to the brilliant people who studied the world of tiny atoms—where did they go? 

During this same period of time, another group of brilliant people, who pondered the universe populated with billions of galaxies each filled with billions of stars, wondered, “Where did all this matter come from?” 

Nearly fifty years after the events of 1947, the theories of these people, who studied the foundation of existence from opposite ends of the telescope, coalesced in an unsettling realization: for our universe to behave as it does, other universes must exist parallel to our own. 

This story is not about quantum physics, string theory, super gravity, or the M-theory. The truth is we really don’t have many more facts than we did during the lives of the Manhattan Project team members. Today, top theorists argue passionately whether all things exist in ten or eleven dimensions. Some espouse, while others poo-poo, the concept of super gravity leaking between universes. Meanwhile, genius-level math proves ‘everything’ exists in a dimension filled with membranes that bump into each other as they undulate, and that every bump results in a new Big Bang that creates a new universe within the membrane. But just because scientists believe something, it ain’t necessarily so. 

Here is what is so. 

There are other dimensions, lots of them. There are more parallel worlds than there are angels on the head of a pin. The visitors at Roswell are from one of them. As fate often does, the ship at Roswell was in the wrong place at the wrong time. 

The same Robert Oppenheimer who headed the Manhattan Project created the mathematical model in the 1930s that proved the probability of the existence of black holes. In addition to heading up the world’s first nuclear bomb program, Oppenheimer established himself as a leader in quantum field theory, relativistic quantum mechanics, and quantum tunneling. As destiny often does, he was the right person at the right place at the right time. 

When Project Rainbow’s team understood their EMF Projector may have been responsible for downing the alien craft, they called upon Oppenheimer and Feynman again for help. 

Project Rainbow’s projector beamed an inverse—or collapsed— electromagnetic field. Sometimes when a super-dense star collapses, it creates a black hole that emits an unbelievably powerful gravitational field, which sucks everything, including light, into it. The projector created something like a magnetic hole that would totally stop, disrupt, or burn out any electrical activity through which it passed. It passed through a UFO that afternoon in late June, 1947. 

From the moment the military realized it had an effective weapon against the invaders of US airspace, the fear vaporized. The government decided it would not be content with the wreckage and salvage of one downed UFO. From 1947 to 1950, more Rainbow Projectors were built, and more alien craft were shot down for examination. 

While UFO nuts list hundreds of ‘known’ crash sites, there have only been seven resulting from Rainbow Projectors. 

The original was at Roswell. We recovered wreckage of two vehicles: a mother ship, and what appeared to be the UFO version of a lifeboat. No biological life-forms—deceased or otherwise—were found at the main crash site. Three deceased alien bodies were recovered near the lifeboat. 

The second was a third type of craft, larger than the Roswell mother ship. It was the original projector’s second kill, and crashed near White Sands, New Mexico on 25 March, 1948. In addition to the wreckage, the recovery team recovered six corpses. 

A third went down on 8 July, 1948 inside Mexico near Laredo, Texas. Same type of craft found at Roswell, but no lifeboat or bodies were recovered. 

Number four crash-landed on 24 June, 1949 near Cloudcroft, New Mexico, about 25 miles east of Alamogordo. The Roswell vehicle type, with lifeboat, contained two deceased and one live occupant. The crash survivor died within hours of discovery. 

The fifth vehicle was recovered from Death Valley, California, 19 August, 1949. Roswell type vehicle, no lifeboat, and no bodies found. 

The final two went down at sea. The aircraft carrier, USS Franklin Delano Roosevelt, was fitted with a Rainbow Projector and has radar confirmation of downing two alien craft in the Atlantic Ocean. 

For a while it was like shooting ducks. Then on 19 July, 1952, the ducks shot back.

CHAPTER FIVE 


Once officials briefed Truman about Roswell and the belief we had an effective weapon, the government sprang into action. Have you heard of Majestic 12? Forget about it. It’s 90 percent false. The kernel of truth in this myth is that President Truman was made aware of the situation and authorized a group to study it. 

The group was not majestic, and it was not twelve. Twelve civilian government officials can’t keep a secret, even in those post World War II days when America was flush with patriotism. Truman did instigate the creation of a public committee to study some handpicked reports of flying saucers and consider ‘theories’ and hypothetical cases. Known as the Robertson Panel or Report, a group of preselected, skeptical scientists convened 14-18 January, 1953 and were spoon-fed information by their CIA hosts. This august body quickly concluded UFOs were natural phenomena and a waste of time. But even this group was not created until after the ducks started returning fire. 

Some of the men who sat on Truman’s real committee are named in Majestic Twelve documents; most are not. The only people beside Truman that knew the entire truth were: 

.Secretary of Defense James Forrestal (Sworn in on 19 September 1947) (Kenneth C. Royal, was acting Secretary of War from 19 July 1947 until Forrestal was sworn in but was intentionally excluded from any knowledge of the Roswell Incident) 

.Secretary of State George Marshall 

.Secretary of State Dean Acheson (became Secretary of State in 1949) 

.Director of Mutual Security Averill Harriman (position created in 1951) 

.Chief of Staff USAF General Nathan Farragut Twining (Truman had promoted Twining to this position and ask him to make a study of UFOs. The preliminary finding of this study was presented to the select few on September 23, 1947.) 

The final people included in this sensitive information were the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Below that level, compartmentalization created walls branching information into ever-narrowing streams, so groups and individuals had little hope of even guessing the scope of their work. 

From this point, when I say government, I refer to the complex machine of political, judicial, bureaucratic, industrial, and military gears that wear down then crush all obstacles. When I say America, I speak of the people and private businesses that pay for the government’s pranks and shenanigans in exchange for a few highways. 

Almost all of the documents supporting the existence of MJ-12 are fakes —some faked by wannabe investigators and some faked by the government to widen the false trail. 

The Majestic Twelve name is probably a derivative of something else that occurred at this time. During this period, a new security clearance was born to deal with UFOs. It was called Magic. It was not necessarily the highest level, but you had to be cleared to see documents bearing the Magic level regardless of what other clearance you had. The intention was that no one would be made privy to Magic information without a compelling need to know, and a bare minimum of people could access Magic information at any one time. 

The researchers working on the downed space vehicles were slowly learning and discovering new technologies. Project Rainbow became the highest priority and most secret program since the Manhattan Project. All in all, the UFO scare was turning out to be a pretty good thing. That is until the UFOs came calling on Washington.

CHAPTER SIX 


June, 1952. New flying saucer sightings are down to less than 20 percent of what they were between the Roswell Incident and 1949. It’s a good sign for the few who know the truth. There’s no need for anyone to panic; work is progressing on reverse engineering components from downed UFOs. The ointment contains only one small fly: for the last two years, the Rainbow Projectors have failed to nail another alien intruder. No one is sure why. The number of aliens appearing on radar dropped off significantly in 1949, but even so, when one appears within range of a projector, it takes evasive action and is impossible to hit. But no one is worried. The boys at Alamogordo are staying up late to electronically connect the projectors to radar. It is only a matter of time before the balance of power swings back to our side. 

Then, five years to the day the Roswell incident began, the visitors return in numbers. They come bearing an anniversary gift. 

By mid June, the Air Force’s Project Blue Book investigation is receiving the highest number of reports ever. By July, UFOs are observed in every part of the USA. 

In Ogdensburg, New York, groups of residents watched three jet planes circle and attempt to close with three shining objects for twenty minutes until the three objects simply vanished. Airport control towers begin picking the blips up on radar. Cleveland, Chicago, and Los Angeles all have numerous radar and visual sightings of objects that move too fast or too slow; that are too large; that make impossible maneuvers. Military, commercial, and private pilots see the strange ships more frequently than ever before. While they are everywhere, they seem clustered on the east coast a little too close to the nation’s capitol. 

Those in the know sit in uncomfortable silence, waiting for a shoe to drop from the sky. They don’t wait long. 

2108 Hours, 19 July, 1952 

Four men work in the top floor of the dimly lit, glass-ringed control tower of the Washington National Airport. They operate the local radar, and direct airplanes taking off or making final approaches. Two floors below, a team of eleven men use the Air Route Traffic Control radar to manage all other aircraft within 100 miles. It is a slow time, and ten of the men are out of the radar room on break. As Ed Nugent mans the 24-inch scope, he glances at the clock, noting his break is in 22 minutes. When he looks back, seven new blips are on his radar screen. He studies them for a moment. They move in formation, not very fast, between 100 and 130 MPH at an altitude of approximately 1,700 feet. At 9:10 they do something impossible. Nugent estimates while maintaining airspeed of 130 MPH, they gain altitude at the rate of 35,000 feet per minute. 

Ed rubs his eyes in disbelief. He checks the calibration of his equipment. Everything is fine. He calls his boss, Harry Barnes, and says jokingly, but only half, “Here’s a formation of flying saucers, Harry.” 

Harry steps in, looks at the screen, and calls the technician in to check the equipment. Before he gives the thumbs-up, the rest of the men have come back in and are clustered around the three other screens in the room. 

Harry picks up the intercom phone and buzzes the control tower. 

Before Harry can say anything, Joe Zacko, another air-traffic controller working the short-range radar in the room above, asks, “Are you guys seeing what we are seeing? We’ve got seven on scope.” 

Howard Conklin stands up and looks out the tower windows in the direction indicated by the radar. “There they are! There they are!” he says, pointing at the glowing objects that have changed course and are headed toward Andrews Air Force base. 

Harry is up the stairs and in the control room in seconds. Seeing the objects, he picks up the intercom phone again and buzzes the air-traffic control tower at Andrews. 

Andrews’ control tower has the objects, altitude 2,000 feet, moving toward them at approximately 150 MPH. Nervous telephone and radio communications fly between night-duty officers. No one wants to make a decision. Those who have been in the military understand—never wake up a general for something that can wait until tomorrow. Finally, around midnight, phones begin ringing up the chain of command. 

At 1:30 AM, two F-94 Lockheed Starfires, America’s hottest in-service jet, scramble to provide close-visuals contact with the lights in the sky. The fighters streak over Washington. When they are five miles from their prey, the targets vanish from visual and radar. The jets circle for thirty minutes, then return to base. 

At 2:30 AM, the objects appear again on radar, but without visual confirmation. By 3:00 AM they disappear for the night. 

Below is the transcript of the article that appeared Monday, July 22, 1952 in the Washington Post (the newspaper article erroneously thought there had been eight UFOs): 

8 on Screen; Planes Sight Odd Lights 

The Air Force disclosed last night it has received reports of an eerie visitation by unidentified aerial objects—perhaps a new type of "flying saucer"—over the vicinity of the nation's capitol. 

For the first time, so far as known, the objects were picked up by radar— indicating actual substance rather than mere light. 

They were described as traveling at a slow 100 to 130 miles per hour— instead of the incredible speed attributed to earlier saucers—although at times they shot up and down. 

The objects also were described as hovering in one position. The Air Force said no planes were sent out in an attempt to intercept the objects, and no sightings were reported by Operation Skywatch, the round-the-clock Civilian Defense ground observer operation now underway. 

Preliminary Report 

The Air Force said it has received only a preliminary report, and therefore does not know why no attempt at interception was made. 

The air-traffic-control center at Washington National Airport reported its radar operators picked up eight of the slow-moving objects about midnight last Saturday. They were flying in the vicinity of nearby Andrews Air Force Base. 

The center said Capital Airlines Flight 807, southbound from National Airport, reported seeing seven objects between Washington and Martinsburg, W. Va., at 3:15 AM the same night. Capital Airlines said the pilot, Capt. "Casey" Pierman of Detroit, 17 years with the company, described the objects in these words: "They were like falling stars without tails." 

Picked up Blips 

Company officials said the airport picked up radar "blips"—contact with aerial objects—and asked Capt. Pierman to keep a watch out for any unusual objects in the sky. 

Shortly thereafter, officials said, Pierman reported back to the dispatcher's tower that he had spotted a group of objects. Pierman, then flying at normal cruising speed of 180 to 200 MPH, reported the objects were traveling with "tremendous vertical speed"—moving rapidly up and down— and then suddenly changing pace until they seemed to hang motionless in the sky. 

Officials said Pierman made only a routine report of the incident. 

The eight objects picked up by Air Force radar were said to be traveling slightly faster than 100 MPH. The airport traffic-control center, said another airliner, Capital-National Airlines Flight 610, reported observing a light following it from Herndon, Va. about 20 airline miles from Washington, to within four miles of National Airport. "This information has been related to the proper Air Force authorities and the Air Force is investigating the matter," the announcement said. Earlier, the Air Force said it is receiving flying saucer reports this summer at a rate of 100 a month, higher than at any time since the initial flood of sightings in 1947. END OF WASHINGTON POST, 22 JULY, 1952 ARTICLE 

You can imagine the buzz running through Washington when the article appeared. This was not the first story the Post had run in recent days about flying saucers. There had been a rash of sightings from Maine to Virginia since the middle of June. Now they were flying in formation above our nation’s capitol. 

Calls poured in to the Air Technical Intelligence Center, one of the Air Force's most highly specialized intelligence units, and headquarters of the Air Force’s UFO investigation. Embarrassingly, the ATIC’s first inkling of the UFO radar contacts was the article in the morning paper. No one involved in the incident had called them. Rather than provide a ‘no comment’, they rushed the Air Force’s senior UFO investigator to the scene. 

Captain Edward J. Ruppelt was the first to head up the Air Force’s Project Blue Book. Blue Book evolved from the more ad hoc temporary investigations into UFOs: Projects Sign and Grudge. 

Project Blue Book was launched in late 1947, and by 1952 Captain Ruppelt commanded four officers—two airmen and two civilians—on his permanent staff. Three scientists were under full-time contracts for Blue Book, and Major Fournet was the project liaison at the Pentagon. The vast majority of actual investigations were carried out by local intelligence officers all over the world. 

Project Blue Book’s process when a sighting came in was that one or two local officers interviewed the witness and filled out a rather lengthy survey form developed for this specific purpose. The completed form not only helped the staff at Blue Book headquarters group reports by categories and subcategories, it also contained a number of booby-trap questions to establish the witness’s honesty and credibility. Aircraft pilots, radar operators, and military personnel were at the top of the credibility ladder, so virtually all reports from these sources found their way to Wright Patterson, home to the project. 

In the case of less-credible witnesses, the field investigators used the survey and their interview to determine if the sighting was worth sending to headquarters. 

In the four years between Project Blue Book’s creation and the summer of 1952, headquarters had processed 615 of these reports. 

The team quickly learned that, by checking with military, government, and university agencies involved in aircraft, astronomy, weather, and scientific balloons, over 60 percent of the reports received had natural explanations. The rest were assigned a priority for a team member to follow up with phone calls or face-to-face interviews. 

Up until 1952, there was no real sense of urgency for Project Blue Book to produce answers. Their mission was to investigate sightings. If they determined the sighting had a natural explanation, they made the information available. If the sighting could not be explained, it was kept secret. The nature of this process made it seem that Project Blue Book’s goal was to discredit all UFO sightings, as those were the only ones they talked about. 

The lack of urgency was about to change. 

By early June, the increased UFO activity around major cities and military bases made officials jumpy. It was determined that Blue Book needed to be moved up the organizational chart, and was elevated from group to section level to allow more support and clout within ATIC. 

In June and July of 1952, field agents sent 717 reports to Ruppelt’s team, more than they had processed in the previous four years. 

The irony of all this is that no one associated with ATIC or Blue Book knew anything about the truth of Roswell, the projector, or what was going on at Truman’s behest. The government’s primary UFO investigative body was completely in the dark. Compartmentalization is a beautiful thing. 

Captain Ruppelt and his boss, Colonel Donald Bower, arrive in Washington to give a briefing at the Pentagon. The briefing does not go well. 

A colonel from Air Defense Command is present. After sitting through Ruppelt’s explanation of how they rank and evaluate reports, and the statistical analysis of sightings, the colonel from ADC presses his point. 

As the department title implies, the ADC is tasked with defending our skies. In the last few weeks there have been an unsettling number of encounters between Air Force jet fighters and UFOs. The jets try to close the distance to their targets to obtain in-focus, definitive film from their nose cameras. The jet pilots always lose. The UFOs either speed away, executing impossible maneuvers, or simply vanish. The best the pilots have been able to produce is a few feet of grainy film showing blurry lights four or five miles away. 

The ADC is becomingly increasingly aware they are not able to defend our skies. 

The colonel presses Ruppelt. Why, he wants to know, does Blue Book always assume the sighting is anything but a UFO? Why not investigate from the standpoint we are being invaded? He reasons this approach would produce more evidence of what UFOs really are. 

No one at ADC has a clue about the truth of Roswell, the projectors, the downed saucers, or even the UFO reports that Blue Book is instructed to keep top secret within the group. Compartmentalization now has people working at cross purposes. The briefing deteriorated into a lively discussion of what should be done and how things should be investigated. 

Numerous airplane pilots have seen strange things in the sky every day since the radar sightings on 19 July. The problem is growing, and the Air Force is trying to determine what, if anything, to tell the public. 

The few in the know, the illuminati of Roswell, conducted numerous, nervous meetings. All existing projectors were ordered to military bases around Washington, and pressure to link the projector to radar-controlled firing was redoubled. But it was all too little, too late. At 10:30 PM, 26 July, all hell broke loose. 

Below is a transcript of an article that appeared in the Washington Post on 29 July, 1952. Most of what is known to the public about these events is included. The scary part, the part that would panic Americans, is to this day the government’s most-guarded secret. 

Seen by Radar and Eyes 

‘Saucer’ Outran Jet, Pilot Says Air Force Puts Lid on Inquiry 

By Paul Sampson Fort, Reporter 

Military secrecy veils an investigation of the mysterious, glowing, aerial objects that showed up on radar screens in the Washington area Saturday night for the second consecutive week. 

A jet pilot sent up by the Air Defense Command to investigate the latter objects reported he was unable to overtake glowing lights moving near Andrews Air Base. 

Air Force spokesmen said yesterday they could report only that an investigation was being made into the sighting of the objects on the radar screen in the CAA Air Route Traffic Control Center at Washington National Airport, and on two other radar screens. Methods of the investigation were classified as secret, a spokesman said. 

The same source reported an expert from the Air Technical Intelligence Center at Wright-Patterson Air Force base, Dayton, Ohio, was here last week investigating the objects sighted July 19. It may be more than a month before this inquiry is evaluated and the information released, it was said. 

The expert has been identified as Capt. E. J. Ruppelt. Reached by telephone at his home in Dayton yesterday, Ruppelt said he could make no comment on his activity in Washington. 

Capt. Ruppelt confirmed that he was in Washington last week, but said he had not come here to investigate the mysterious objects. He recalled he did make an investigation after hearing of the objects, but could not say what he investigated. The captain said he had been informed of the latest sightings of the lights. 

Another Air Force spokesman said here yesterday the Air Force is taking all steps necessary to evaluate the sightings. "The intelligence people," this spokesman explained, "sent someone over to the control center at the time of the sightings, and did whatever necessary to make the proper evaluation." 

Asked whether the radar equipment might have malfunctioned, the spokesman said radar, like the compass, is not a perfect instrument and is subject to error. He thought, however, the investigation would be made by persons acquainted with the problems of radar in the area that picked up the objects. An employee of the National Airport control tower said the radar scope there picked up very weak "blips" of the objects. The tower radar, however, is for short ranges and is not as powerful as that at the center. Radar at Andrews Air Force Base also registered the objects from about 8:30 PM until midnight. Andrews' radar located them about seven miles south of the base.

On Screen till 3 AM 

The objects, "flying saucers" or what have you, appeared on the radar scope at the airport center at 9:08 PM. Varying from four to 12 in number, the objects were seen on the screen until 3 AM, when they disappeared. 

At 11:25 PM, two F-94 jet fighters from the Air Defense Command squadron at Newcastle, Del., capable of attaining 600-mile-per-hour speeds, took off to investigate the objects. 

Airline, civil and military pilots described the objects as looking like the lighted end of a cigarette or a cluster of orange and red lights. 

One jet pilot observed four lights in the vicinity of Andrews Air Force Base, but was not able to overtake them, and they disappeared in about two minutes. 

The same pilot observed a steady white light 10 miles east of Mount Vernon at 11:49 PM. The light, about five miles from him, faded in a minute. The lights also were observed in the Beltsville, Md., vicinity. At 1:40 AM, two other F-94 jet fighters took off and scanned the area until 2:20 AM but did not make any sighting. 

Visible in Two Ways 

Although unidentified objects have been picked up on radar before, the incidents of the last two Saturdays are believed to be the first time they have been spotted on radar—while visible to the human eye. 

Besides the pilots who last Saturday saw the lights, a woman living on Mississippi Ave. told The Post she saw a "very bright light" streaking across the sky toward Andrews Base about 11:45 PM. Then a second object, with a tail like a comet, whizzed by, and a few seconds later, a third passed in a different direction toward Suitland, she said. 

Radar operators plotted the speed of Saturday night's "visitors" at from 38 to 90 miles an hour, but one jet pilot reported faster speeds for the light he saw. 

The jet pilot reported he had no apparent "closing speed" when he attempted to reach the lights he saw near Andrews. This means the lights were moving at least as fast as his top speed—a maximum of 600 miles per hour. 

One person who saw the lights when they first appeared in this area did not see them last night. He is E. W. Chambers, an engineer at Radio Station WRC, who spotted the lights while working early the morning of July 20 at the station's Hyattsville tower. 

Chambers said he was sorry he had seen the lights because he had been skeptical about "flying saucers" before. Now, he said, he sort of "wonders" and worries about the whole thing. 

Leon Davidson, 804 South Irving St., Arlington, a chemical engineer who has made an exhaustive study of flying saucers as a hobby, said yesterday reports of saucers in the East have been relatively rare. 

Davidson has studied the official Air Force report on the saucers, including some of the secret portions never made public, and analyzed all the data in the report. 

Davidson, whose study of saucers is impressively detailed and scientific, said he believes the lights are American "aviation products"—probably circular flying wings, using new-type jet engines that permit rapid acceleration and relatively low speeds. He believes they are either new fighters, guided missiles or piloted guided missiles. 

He cited some of the recent jet fighters, including the Navy's new F-4D which has a radical bat wing, as examples of what he thinks the objects might resemble. 

Davidson thinks the fact that the lights have been seen in this area indicates the authorities may be ready to disclose the new aircraft in the near future. Previously, most of the ‘verified’ saucers were seen over sparsely inhabited areas, Davidson explained, and now, when they appear here, it may indicate that secrecy is not so important any more. END ARTICLE WASHINGTON POST 29 JULY 1952.


next- chapter 7

PART 2

https://exploringrealhistory.blogspot.com/2021/01/part-2-alien-agenda-why-they-came-why.html

32s

Sunday, May 24, 2020

Part 1: The Devil's Chemists...Easter Hats and Wild Horses ...Anything Intact Was Beautiful ...Before Armies March ..."If We Lose the Next War"

The Devil's Chemists
By Josiah E. DuBois,Jr.
Preface 
To UNDERSTAND THE FULL SIGNIFICANCE of this story, bear in mind that today the main characters - defendants in the most far reaching criminal trial in history - are all alive and free to work against the way of life you and I cherish. 

Today a great struggle is being waged for the political allegiance of men. The United States of America has been steadily -losing in that struggle since the end of World War 11. In seven years the free world has lost to Communism half of Europe and large areas of Asia. This amounts to the loss of over eight hundred million people who once regarded themselves as our friends and allies. 

The foreign policy of the United States demonstrates that most of our leaders understand little of what has happened in Europe and Asia during the last generation. We have challenged disillusioned hearts with only a hodgepodge of defensive tactics. It is my belief that we lost the support of most of these people because we appealed to them almost entirely through our own fears, with little regard for their real hopes, dreams, and needs. To replace Communist bread, often we have spread our own table reluctantly and too late. Often we have countered the vicious Communist evangelism only by negative argument. Most important, we have poured salt on the ugly wounds which certain hated industrialists have cut into four continents. 

For ten years the average European and Asian has understood my story better than our leaders yet understand it. I believe also that the average American, should he read this book, will have a better understanding than his government of how Europeans and Asians feel about the facts. To those who sickened in the 1930's at the news that American scrap iron was being sold to Japan; to those who later observed with disgust the failure of the League of Nations to put teeth into its economic "sanctions" against Italy when she invaded Abyssinia; to those who recently cried shame on the shipment of British war-potential goods through Hong Kong to the Chinese Red Army; to those who are flatly opposed to doing strategic business with any totalitarian institution, whether by direct sales or outright political subsidy - to all those, this book is recommended. 

The full story of all the industrial groups that have deliberately bred war, or have deliberately shut their eyes to the breeding of war, could not be contained in ten books. I have limited my story to the single group of men whose vast influence epitomizes all the others - a group that is still many years ahead of all others in the techniques of waging, in "peacetime," a future war. 

Unbelievable as it seems, the defendants in that trial are back in power in Germany today. Their Oriental collaborators are back in power in Asia. We have been so afraid of Communism that we have been willing to resort to almost any expedient in our hysterical effort to stem the tide. Fearful reaction has lost us all those who looked to democracy for an inspired and positive program. The wisdom of helping such men form a vital bulwark of defense against Communism will be seriously questioned, I am sure, by almost every reader. To rely upon the generals-in-gray suits who shared the responsibility for World War 11, to ally ourselves with groups which have been allied with Russia more than once before, suggests the probability that if World War I11 breaks out, they will be fighting for Soviet Russia, not for the West. And in treating such groups as friends, we are losing true friends all over the world. 

The crucial question to ask after reading this book is: What will happen if these men and the forces they represent align themselves with Communist aggression rather than with the freedom-loving peoples of the world? In condensing 150 large volumes of testimony within one average-size book, a great deal of material has necessarily been eliminated. Nevertheless, I believe that every significant aspect of this historic criminal trial has been brought to the attention of the reader. If material has been taken out of context, it has been done in such a way as not to distort its basic meaning. As a guide to the reader, we have included in the appendix an organization chart of the industrial concern known as I. G. Farben and a list of the twenty-four defendants in the trial, together with the positions they held. 
JE. D.  

PART ONE 
TOTALITARIAN INDUSTRY - 
THREAT WORLD PEACE? 
1. 
Easter Hats and Wild Horses 
THIS IS THE STORY of twenty-four geniuses who changed the face of the earth. The most brilliant men in Europe, they headed the industry known to the newspaper reader as "I. G. Farben." 

I. G. Farben first subdued nature in ten thousand ways, then shipped the marvelous products of that victory across the seven seas. Its business has touched the life of every man and woman in the world. Often an unrecognized guest, it has visited every American home, with dyes, plastics, fabrics. If Farben did not make your bathroom fixtures, your shaving mug, or even your razor, your wife surely owes much of her prettification - from Easter hat to synthetic stockings - to I. G. Farben. 
Stock of former Nazi chemicals giant to be delisted | Business ...
Long before the age of plastics and nylons, I. G. Farbenindustrie was known to many Americans as simply the world's best druggist. Every reputable pharmacy, every physician's bag, every good family medicine cabinet, stocks some of Farben's 6000 medicines. The firm invented a drug that is still the best cure for epilepsy. They made atabrine, the quinine-substitute for treating malaria. And from the aspirin tablet alone, I. G. Farben made a vast fortune. 

But the founders were not concerned merely with balance sheets. They drew their inspiration from the gurgling of water, the perfume of damp earth, and every vegetable and mineral in the earth. Could health, personal beauty - yes, even universal brotherhood - be created by two dozen men of dynamic chemical genius? They believed it could. By 1925, they had nursed food from arid lands, made fats and fuels from coal and water, and were dreaming of making copper out of clay. 

A few years later, their talents crowned a combine that overshadowed even the giant United States corporations. From the sun  a competitor in nurturing such things as cotton -they had learned many economies of mass production. Now the sun shone with subservient benevolence on a fabulous industrial empire, from the Rhineland to the Hudson Valley to the muddy Yangtze River. I. G. Farben's holding companies and plants then blanketed Europe, its house banks and research firms and patent firms clustered around every important commercial center in both hemispheres. 

This success did not curb their seemingly strange vision. The Farben "president" transferred millions of dollars into other hands on faith alone. On faith he transferred the legal ownership of a $100,000,000 U. S. combine to a friend in Switzerland. 

This combine was the old American I. G. Chemical Corporation. From 230 Park Avenue, New York City, its main office governed five subsidiaries, all producing marvels of modem chemistry. They were the Ozalid Corporation of Johnson City, the General Dyestuffs Company, the old Hudson River Color Works, the Agfa-Ansco factory which manufactured cameras and films, and a research plant in Pennsylvania. 

Dyes were the basis of American I. G. Chemical's entire business, just as dyes were the financial and scientific wellspring of all the Farben companies. Yet in a brief memo Farben's president let the American I. G. go. This poetic magnanimity - unless it concealed a desperate gamble of some kind - was more typical of an artist-scientist than of a financial wizard. One might not have been surprised at a show of generosity from, say, the Farben director who founded the photo-chemistry whose cameras were sold around the world under the Agfa-Ansco trademark. He had helped to develop color photography, too. At the trial, he testified: 

"I did not like to see beauty just in a dark room somewhere. I wanted to see my child, or some fish or game I had caught, in color - to see it in all its beauty. And we succeeded." 

So, even at their trial, these men did not think as robber barons are supposed to think. Exclaimed another of the directors on the witness stand: 

Chemistry is a dynamic science. Thank goodness, every people is inventive. The effects of everyday life are noticed in everything we see - fibers, everything that is dyed, plastic articles, and parts of automobiles and radios. It was the climax of my life when Dr. ter Meer sent me to the forests of Ceylon and the Malay States, to study how nature produces rubber. These studies were so enlightening that Dr. ter Meer entrusted me with the on-the-spot management of synthetic rubber development. We were dealing with the unknown. . . . 

That was Dr. Otto Ambros - a member of I. G. Farben's Vorstand, or board of directors - speaking. To his mentor, Dr. Friedrich ter Meer, all the natural substances like rubber were "wild horses that must be broken to the reins." But mankind was no wild horse to him, if Dr. ter Meer's witnesses were telling the truth. During the first World War, Dr. ter Meer had owned a dyestuffs plant near the French border, and French prisoners of war who still recalled working there called him "Director Bon." Ambros apparently was a good man, too; younger than Ter Meer, he enjoyed similar respect from many French workers during the second World War. For two years after the war ended, he worked for the French government; several times they refused to give him up. 

"The first stages of the collapse promised everything but that I would be arrested," Ambros told the court with a smile. It was the same smile that had greeted the vanguard of American soldiers that rolled into Gendorf, Bavaria, in 1945. 

They noticed him immediately. Even when he stopped smiling, his lips munched pleasantly under a prematurely gray moustache. The other townsfolk protested innocence in various degrees of cunning and sophistication, while Ambros seemed to lend his Bavarian folksiness without obligation. He sniffed the air deeply. He was like a rabbit who had come out of the near-by hills, standing alertly on its hind legs, watching with devilish friendliness these taller beings straggling warily around the town. 

The G.I.'s liked him, but the commanding officer wanted to know why he was wearing a fancy suit among the jerkined. What were his rank and serial number? 

His name, the man said, was Ambros, and he had no rank or serial number. He was a "plain chemist." Although he was a German, he had many French friends; in fact, he had lived at Ludwigshafen, only forty kilometers from the French border, which made him very nearly a Frenchman. 

The commanding officer was suspicious. A few days later an advance detail of General Patton's army arrived in Gendorf. The two C.O.'s, after putting their heads together, ordered the "plain chemist" held for questioning. If he was almost a Frenchman, what was he doing here, way over on the other side of Germany? Ambros answered that he'd had "no reason to flee" and every reason to be in Gendorf. As a director of I. G. Farbenindustrie, he had been in charge of a synthetics factory here. 

They inspected the factory, peeking into vats of soaps and detergents. Lining the walls of Ambros' office were spectrum cards exhibiting the many-colored lacquers also made there. 

Every day troops arrived who had not washed for a month. Some of their vehicles were faded and dirty. Not only was this fellow a welcome quartermaster, but working for him were the best of all character witnesses - refugees from the concentration camps across the Polish border. He had brought them here, and while they didn't talk much, they worked hard for him and said nothing to refute his claim that he had picked them all and trained them so that, when they returned home, they would have skilled professions. 

Ambros stayed in Gendorf for a few more months. Higher commanders rolled into town and had him picked up to answer more significant questions. The factory was underground. He pointed out that most of the underground factories in Germany had been bombed; surely the Allied air forces would have bombed this one if it had had any strategic value! He referred to his activity here as dedicated to "once more preparing for the coming peacetime industry." 

He passed soap out to the soldiers personally -it was good to have somebody dropping gifts in their hands for a change. The brass felt the same way when he issued cleaning agents and paints for the vehicles. They were not scientists, but any scientist worth his salt could talk about technical things simply and with a smile. This fellow Ambros could tell you how to make a hundred wonders from one chemical element: ethylene oxide. 

He knew more about rubber than anything else. A synthetic rubber factory had much in common with him: civilized, neat, more reminiscent of perfected nature than of Man. A rubber plant had to be absolutely clean; a speck of dust mingling with the liquid rubber could mean a blowout on the highway some day. To plan a rubber factory, you did not begin with materials; you put your finger to the wind, because the wind had to blow in the right direction to take off the carbide dust so that it "would not be thrown in your neighbor's face." 

The judges of the court listened as the soldiers had, as if waiting for a twig to crackle. Somehow the fortunes of war had placed this picture of a spotless industrial installation in a horrible setting, beside a river (not the calm Hudson or the turbulent Rhine) that ran red with a dye no chemist could synthesize. There sprawled the buna-rubber plant, and three kilometers away was a concentration camp. Surely this good-natured, earthy chemist had nothing to do with that! One of Farben's top employees, assistant to both Dr. ter Meer and Dr. Ambros, was testifying: 

In my compartment there was a man, a working man, and he told with loud voice to the other men and wives in the compartment that in Auschwitz concentration camp people -people were burned in a crematorium (he said not the word "crematorium") and in large numbers. And then the whole air in Auschwitz was filled with the smell of death. I was very deeply impressed and I sprang up and said he should not say such lies. 

The prosecutor pressed the witness for more details: 

Q. And the smell of burning flesh was known at the buna plant - you understood him to say that? All right, go ahead, what did you do when you heard that? 
A. I sprang up and said, "They are lies," and he said, "No, they are not lies; there are 10,000 men or more at Auschwitz and all of them know it." 

Q. You say, then, that in the beginning of 1942 you heard of Auschwitz concentration camp, about the burnings and cruelties ping on there, and you learned that from an open discussion on the train ride? 
A. Yes, he said it to all present. There were 10 or 15 in the compartment, and they all heard it. 

Q. Were you convinced when the workman said, "No, they are not lies. 
A. No, I was not convinced. . . . 

Q. In the summer of 1943 you visited Auschwitz again. Did it occur to you that you should investigate it then? 
A. I asked in Auschwitz a responsible man, the chief engineer Heidebroek. 

Q. What did you ask him? 
A. He said it was true. I can give you from Frankfurt the exact date

Q. You reported to the chief engineer what the workman said on the train, and the chief engineer said what the workman had said was true? 
A. Yes. . . . I think he also told me that the people were gassed before they were burned. 

Q. Then in the summer of 1943 you knew that people were being burned and gassed? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Is this your statement, Dr. Struss: "After I spoke to Heidebroek I was convinced that the situation at the Auschwitz concentration camp was as bad as they had told me, but I was hoping that it was not true"? Is that a fair statement? 
A. Yes, that is a fair statement. I had only 1 per cent of hope that it was not true. 

A few months before this witness, Dr. Struss, told his story, one of the judges of the court had summed up his reaction to I. G. Farbenindustrie: "This is simply a big business concern the like of which there are many throughout the world." The judge had not yet heard of Struss's conversation on the train, nor had he heard the many witnesses for the prosecution who had worked at Farben's buna plant in Poland. But he had been hearing for weeks about aweb of interests more influential than any ever spun by Vanderbilt, Rockefeller, or Fisk - about acts of aggression and conquest on a scale difficult to comprehend. No, there was only one I. G. Farbenindustrie. But if a judge who tried the facts firsthand could not believe his ears, what might one expect of other intelligent men? 

My understanding of Farben has developed in the last ten years, during which seven government missions abroad have carded me through fifty countries. Farben first came forcibly to my attention on a mission to Latin America in 1941. I met Farben in North Africa in 1943, in France in 1944, and in Europe and Asia from 1945 through 1948. During the war a report had crossed my desk in Washington from a town in Poland called Auschwitz. The men who wrote the report had spent two years in Auschwitz before their escape. At three o'clock every morning, they were herded with hundreds of others to a tremendous plant, several kilometers square, called "Buna." At noon they sucked up a little turnip soup. The evening meal - "evening" was eleven o'clock at night - was a crust of bread. When I read this report in 1944, I speculated as to whether this "Buna" plant in Poland was a Farben venture. I too found it hard to believe. 

2. 
Anything Intact 
Was Beautiful 
DECEMBER 1946 -a long time ago reckoned by the hours of national futility that have since gone by. 

December 1946 - there was a lot of war going on. The Jewish underground in Palestine was attacking Tel Aviv; in Iran the leftists fought the government with sticks and stones and leaflets and broken-down tanks salvaged from larger armies. But the Cold War hadn't yet been named. Although threats between nations were commonplace, Andrei Vishinsky, speaking a few days before at Madison Square Garden, had said that the "capitalist" and "socialist" systems could get along together. And Molotov announced that Russia would not veto any United Nations provisions for international inspection of arms. 

As the air cleared for one false moment, the average citizen, long tossed on a sea of suspicion, looked about for a tiny raft of faith. I was looking, too, I suppose. One day early in that month, I was standing at my office window in Camden, New Jersey, when the phone rang. Ordinarily, to me the weather is little more than a guide for what to wear; yet let that afternoon come back - as it often does - and I see too clearly the lines of roofs and doorways through a fog scowling down to the gutters. I have to think twice to realize that even the later consequences weren't foreshadowed by two consecutive moments at the window. Although the phone call was the most far-reaching of my life, I don't recall it very well. 

I answered it, of course. Then I was back at the window sensing the ethereal exaggeration of roofs and doorways, walls whole and larger than they really are. It wasn't quite time for the shops to be decorated in evergreen and neon, the Walt Whitman Hotel to be girdled by colored lights. Still, I saw the coming season in squat buildings and dirty streets. For a long time, I had spent most of my holidays in a crumbling scene, and I had come to a time when anything intact was beautiful. 

My secretary came in to announce that the client in the outer office was impatient. Whatever the matter was -a will to prepare, a divorce, a deed - I handled it before going into the adjoining office to face my brother Herb. He looked up from his desk. Behind tortoise-shell glasses he blinked slowly as he always does to hide his incessant curiosity. 

"Washington just called," I said. "The government wants me to come back." 

His face was still tanned from Army life - he'd been discharged a few months before. But his tan did not hide the deeper color of anger. 

"I thought you were fed up. You just got home a couple of months ago." 

"Now, don't get excited," I said. "I told them I wouldn't come." He settled back in his chair. 

"Good! What was the proposition? Did they want you to draw up the papers to lease Alaska to the Russians?

"Germany," I said. "This mission would not be like any of the others." Then I gave a brief, maybe even vague, report of the conversation. What difference did it make? "I told them I'm not going anywhere but right here in Camden. But I'm going to Washington on that tax case anyway, and I can stop in at the War Department and talk it over." 

"Here we go! All the government has to do is phone you, and you jump. You've left us four times, every time before we get established here. Haven't you had enough?" 

Yes, I thought, I've had enough. But, leaving my office early, I drove slowly. And at the traffic circle outside Camden, I missed the turn to Westmont, where I lived, and found myself on another highway, driving past other intact buildings, trying to feel that I belonged to their sturdy perspective, trying to pretend, a year and a half since the war ended, that I had danced in the streets on V-E and V-J Days. 

It was dark when I drove up to my house. My wife was in the doorway, and before I stepped in, I said: "The War Department wants me to go to Nurnberg. The Farben industrialists may be put on trial. They want me to head up the prosecution. I'm not going, of course." 

'I'll get supper," she said. 

Both the kids were in bed, and we ate supper alone. Over coffee, she asked some questions. How many Farben men were being held by the Military Government? About ten, I guessed. And what were they going to be tried for? Well, no indictment had been issued yet. 

"They've been loosely accused of deliberately helping to bring on the war, you know," I added. "But I'm sick of it, and I told Herb so." 

"If you really don't want to go, that's fine." 

She watched me intently. "Farben again," she said. Her coffee cup clattered nervously in the saucer. 

"Yes, it seems to follow us everywhere." 

To explain why a huge organization far removed from our supper table had a special meaning to my wife, too, would take volumes. Farben had a most artless full name, "Interessen Gemeinschaft Farbenindustrie Aktiengesellschaft," which means "Community of Interests of the Dyestuffs Industry, Incorporated." In more pleasant days, when my wife first heard the name, she had commented that it sounded like a cross between a service club and Easter eggs. 

During one war year, Farben had employed more people than three of the world's largest corporations put together: DuPont de Nemours of Wilmington, Delaware, Standard Oil Company (New Jersey), and Imperial Chemical Industries of London. Holding companies, coke ovens, lignite-coal mines: what woman would care that these were part of the Farben empire? Yet Farben to her meant all of Farben, a thing that had become in our house like the name of a former spouse. 

"It follows us everywhere, Joe, doesn't it?" 

It, she had said, not "Farben." "Farben" was four years of old fashioned convictions that had led to failure. Even to many people who saw some of the facts as we saw them, Farben was only "the German question." To us, as to only a few others, it was a world question. Though Farben had been the industrial czar of Germany for half a century, its empire included more than 880 firms throughout Europe, Africa, North and South America, east and west Asia. I had good reason to know that Farben was the Machiavellian planner for all institutions in the world that had allied themselves with military aggression. 

Quietly we finished our second cup of coffee. Then I went down to . - the basement. Near the furnace were the four packing boxes and one trunkful of papers I had gathered during my service with the Treasury Department and on three Presidential missions. I shouted up to her: "What happened to all that stuff I had on Farben?" 

"What are you doing?" 

"I'd be able to find things if you didn't move stuff all around down here. It won't be funny if those boxes catch fire." 

"I'll come down now and help you move them." 

"Never mind, never mind." "I thought you didn't want to take the job." 

"I don't! You and Herb! I was just curious." 

She came down for a minute to remind me that I had planned to seal up those boxes and lock the trunk. I myself had put all the stuff near the furnace. Now, she pointed out, I wanted to move it away. 

"Stop being psychological," I said. "What's so important about that?" 

She was right, of course. Whether or not I wanted those records to burn, I wanted to forget. And how would one seal up a viewpoint that had been slowly burning away anyhow? The last page - that would be the previous May. Seven months before, Edwin Pauley had just left on a round-the-world mission to find out for the President how effectively the U.S. reparations program was being carried out. On our previous missions to Europe and the Far East, we had recommended programs whereby the vanquished economies were to be helped to their feet with equipment and assets which the aggressors had used to foment the war, and with the spoils they had taken from the conquered countries. Pauley had asked me to go along as legal advisor, as I had been on the first two missions. 

But that May had ended seven and a half years of my service in the government, and that May the program in Europe and Asia was being "carried out" - on a stretcher. My brother and I had a talk then, too, and I had declined. But again Pauley wired me from Tokyo. In July I joined the mission. 

Besides dealing with "reparations" in the limited sense, this last mission, like the previous ones, had gleaned a thousand-and-one impressions of how Uncle Sam, with new international responsibilities he couldn't escape, was getting along in the battle to win the peoples of the world to ourside. Asia had emerged from the last war in revolution. Dangerously aimless, this revolution was a chaotic ground swell rolling up against centuries of hunger and oppression. Its momentum lay not in leaders whose principles might be negotiated, but in millions and millions of aroused people. 

Yet by the craziest political paradox in American history, our political mind had tended, since 1945, to attribute all unrest in Asia to the Communists, and all understanding in this country of that unrest to starry-eyed sympathizers with Communism. The most frightful danger to us was that we would go on treating the Communist role, which was already playing the part where it could, as the revolution itself. Abroad, the descendants of 1776 shunned the very word "revolution" while the Communists shouted it. The Communists had by this time gained the initiative so far that, while appealing to the Asiatics in terms of "people" and "democracy," they had succeeded in making even these words suspect in many an American mind. 

What did the Asiatics really want? They wanted economic reform, including land reform. They wanted national independence, and this desire had led to Asiatic nationalism. "Asia for the Asiatics" was the rallying cry. The Communists had appealed to these irrepressibly popular urges for years, and with some success. But 1945 had still not been too late for us to take moderate action.

The Pauley missions hadn't gone to Asia to support a revolution, as the French had supported the American colonies in 1776. We went to play a few hands in a game the United States would surely lose if it didn't sit in as more than a tactless kibitzer. Our mission was mainly economic, for the dangerous resentments in Asia, going hand-in-hand with the demands for new freedoms, were economic resentments. 

We submitted our program to President Truman in 1945. It had advised that the excessive industrial capacity built up in Japan for conquest should be distributed as quickly as possible to other countries in the Far East, particularly China, Korea, Indo-China, and the Philippines. Ambassador Pauley had warned that unless China particularly was strengthened economically, it might well fall to the Communists. He had warned of the same danger in many European countries. Japan was not to be reduced to a nonindustrial society, but the key war industries were to be taken from the hands of the industrialists who had gained their strangle hold on the other Far Eastern countries by aggression and aggression alone, and placed in the hands of peace loving businessmen in Japan and the other countries. 

But now the Zaibatsu cartel- whose ill-gotten gains in the other countries had come from fraud, swindling, and full support of the Japanese war machine -was still openly supported by American policy in Asia. Zaibatsu, the Oriental face of I.G. Farben. The partner that had sat at Farben's feet. The Communists were still exploiting the people's resentment on this score, extending it to innocent Japanese businesses and interpreting American support of the Zaibatsu as an outright American desire to bring war again to Asia, as the Japanese had. 

At the top of the trunk, gathering dust, lay the Pauley recommendations on the Far East. I dug deeper. My wife was calling: "You may be thinking of me. I would hate to get into this Farben mess again. But if you are thinking of me, I just wonder, too: Who would do the job if you didn't?" 

She was in the living room. I went in, my arms loaded with Farben papers. You couldn't help thinking back once in a while, I remarked. 

She agreed at first. It was too late to go back. Six missions - to Paris, Moscow, Potsdam, Tokyo, Algiers, London. Eight wasted years. For the past four of those years, the United States, acting on the fairly reasonable assumption that Communism and capitalism must soon fight, had handed the Communists their best weapon by stupidly failing to dissociate itself from institutions that had allied themselves with naked aggression. 

"What good does it do to go on one mission after another that leads nowhere?" I asked. "Farben has won again, that's all." 

She said: "If Farben represents the whole problem, wouldn't a trial get the facts to people better than anything has in the past?" 

'Does that mean you want me to go?" 

"You won't go anyway if you don't want to. I think you should do what you want. Why don't you write to Ed Pauley?" 

I wondered what Pauley would say. "It's bad poker," he had once remarked to me in Tokyo, "to assume that all these Communists in Europe and Asia are being made by Joe Stalin or Karl Marx." But Pauley thought my interest in Farben was unusually intense; often he had referred to me as "I.G. Joe." I wondered whether he, as a businessman, might not shy away from the idea of criminally prosecuting foreign businessmen with close connections in this country. 

"All right," I said. "I'll write to Pauley and ask what he thinks."


 3. 
Before Armies March 
A FEW DAYS BEFORE THAT CHRISTMAS of 1946,I caught the Washingtonian out of Philadelphia. That was the week the United States called on the United Nations to urge the Spanish people to get rid of Franco, and a Senate committee had gone down to Jackson, Mississippi, to look into the campaign practices of Senator Bilbo. Some time during that week I must have wondered wearily why the State Department had abetted Franco to power in the first place, and why the upper chamber had ever seated the Senator from Mississippi. Throwing the New York Times onto the rack above my seat, I zipped open my briefcase and pulled out my file on the tax matter. 

No use trying to concentrate! Frost bit the window, designing it into two uneven panes. Winter in Washington was usually a comfortable prospect, after the miserably humid summers; but this time I would feel alone even if comfortable. The man who had introduced me to I.G. Farbenindustrie would not be there. He was Bernard Bernstein, Assistant General Counsel of the Treasury Department during the years before Pearl Harbor. Early in 1941 erns stein had wired me in Camden to come down and help out for the "short while" that had lasted over six years. 

As Bernstein's Chief Counsel of Foreign Funds Control, I had helped to freeze I.G. Farben's assets in the Western Hemisphere. Bernstein and I had worked on the executive order which placed under the vigilant eye of the Treasury Department Farben's main holdings in the United States - the companies of the old American I. G. Chemical Corporation, which was renamed "General Aniline and Film Corporation." 

Then the Treasury had sent me on a journey through a dozen Latin American countries, to try to get their co-operation in defending the whole hemisphere economically. I found that I.G. Farben dominated the political and economic life of many small countries. Guatemala was practically a Farben subsidiary. In June 1942 I was secretary of a conference in which twenty American republics finally agreed to do battle against Farben, the Japanese Zaibatsu, and similar interrelated interests. According to the exact words of the conference, as I remembered them, these interests had "been plotting the downfall of the free peoples who gave them an opportunity to prosper and grow rich by honest trade." 

This agreement had not been easily reached. To an extent unknown even by the presidents of the Latin American republics, Farben had so extended its influence in synthetics, and had gained control of so many banks, that to close down or boycott their interests would have led to serious economic depressions. The United States had urged the taking over of General Aniline as an example to the other American governments; we offered to start a school to show them how to do it. But the Latin American representatives had tactfully pointed out how naive the United States was. "A school! It's all right for you in the United States to close down one big company. That has perhaps a small effect on your economy. But a move like this would wreck us. Can you tell us how to replace the employees that I.G. Farben would take out of the country? Can you replace their scientific knowledge? Have you got the people to send us from the United States?" 

But now, on the eve of 1947, although the current activities of General Aniline and Film were still extremely important, few people in Washington cared any longer what General Aniline did.

After taking care of my tax case at the Treasury, I wandered around to F Street, where the Capitol Theater was playing "The Best Years of Our Lives." Remembering the picture, I envied the veterans -not the wounds of battle, nor, later, their trying to find homes and jobs, but the fact that they had won something. When a battalion captures a town, foreign policy cannot take away the victory. When the Allied troops were splashing onto the Normandy beachhead, I was preparing to go to London to work out France's makeshift money system. Already we had closed down factories by financial blockade, had frozen the enemies' assets. These measures, as well as tactics and medicines, had saved some lives. But our battle was now a stalemate, and the men who believed that economic warfare never ended had left the government, feeling so out of line with the new policy that it would be useless to stay. 

Again I thought of Bernard Bernstein. General Eisenhower had appointed him his financial advisor, on recommendation of Secretary Morgenthau, when the prospective invasion of Africa was still a well-guarded secret. Although Bernstein was a colonel, he carried the war of money personally to the front lines. The North African invasion took place in November 1942, and I joined Bernstein there in December. Together we worked out the system to block enemy assets in Algiers, Tunis, and Casablanca and to set up a sound currency. There was no thought then of bringing to trial any businessmen. 

After I left North Africa to go back to my desk in the Treasury, Bernstein had traveled with the invading troops, into Sicily and Italy and France. Then, just before the Allies invaded Germany, he gathered under his command a group of infantrymen who had been Treasury investigators, to search for the business records and the history of every important firm on the continent. My brother Herb, who had marched into Germany as an infantryman, had been requisitioned by Bernstein to find the gold which the Nazis had hidden in salt mines, in chicken yards, and in the Bavarian mountains. The gold-hunters unearthed 99 per cent "of all the gold bars in Germany, most of which had previously been stolen by Germany from the countries it overran. Again, I.G. Farbenindustrie had been only one objective; the mission's purpose was to discover what influence industry and investments had played in the coming of war. They would still play their part in future wars . 

I couldn't get up the courage to go over to the War Department without first phoning Bernstein. 

I went into a comer store and called Bernstein's New York office. His deep voice greeted me without preliminaries. "Hello, Joe. I understand you're in Washington. Are you thinking of going to Nuremberg?" 

"No," I said. "The news travels fast. I did want to ask you what you thought about it. Why don't you take the job?" 

"No, thanks." 

"I didn't expect you would, after just getting back into practise." 

"There's that and - well. I don't believe it would be a good idea,, under the circumstances, for me to head up any prosecution of German industrialists." 

We chatted for a few minutes. I waited for him to say, "Go ahead, you take it, it's an opportunity." But he didn't. He laughed. "If you do go, Joe, get Abe Weissbrodt to go with you. He's always good for a laugh." 

"You're kidding. You really don't think he'd go?" 

'No - just a joke." 

We said good-by, and that was that. 

Bernstein's final report on Farben had gone to the Kilgore subcommittee. Much of it was still secret. It was not like him to make a joke of anything involving his service with the government. Stories of his bravery had become legendary, but he'd been so implacably serious that some of the boys who had worked for him asserted that his bravery was unconscious - that to him bullets were mere annoyances in an economic war. 

Get Weissbrodt? Weissbrodt was a very capable man; it was surprising that Bernstein had recommended his prankishness rather than his ability. Weissbrodt, who had tracked down some of the first evidences of Farben's influence on the Continent, had been an infantry corporal ready for discharge by the time he got the call from SHAEF. Three times he ignored orders to leave his company and proceed to SHAEF headquarters in London. Then he was given a choice: investigate or take a court-martial. By this time Colonel Bernstein was in North Africa. 

"But where in North Africa, sir?" he asked his commanding officer. 

"Somewhere in North Africa. Go find him and report." 

Some days later the corporal found him in Palermo, Sicily. A raid was going on. The Allied command area was deserted except for Colonel Bernstein, who was striding down the headquarters street with two briefcases under each arm, looking neither right nor left, apparently oblivious to the enemy bombs falling all around him. The corporal caught up with him and saluted. The colonel answered by raising two of the briefcases in the general direction of his face, and smiled faintly to acknowledge their past association in the Treasury. Then the corporal started to run, and the colonel called him back. 

"Weissbrodt, where are you going?" 

"To find a shelter, Colonel." 

"Weissbrodt, I have a nice job for you. You go find the Banca d'ltalia and close it. Shut her up tight." 

"But, sir, I haven't got time to close any banks."

Bernstein was offended. It was reported later that he honestly felt he was giving the corporal an opportunity to distinguish himself. "Weissbrodt!" he exclaimed. "Where did you ever get a chance in your lifetime before either to open or close a bank?" 

I found myself in the Statler Hotel, phoning another of the first Farben investigators who had stayed on in the government. What was I doing in town? I told him. Deftly he shifted the talk to the Washington weather -it was warm for December. Had I got mixed up in something that had lately turned subversive? . . . This very week the President had established a Temporary Loyally Commission, and that had scared many of the absolutely loyal, along with a few who were presumably disloyal. I thought: Whatever else you might say about the Roosevelt administration, at times a genial friendliness rose above even the most unutterable confusions; people stopped to ask you the time. In its place was a wary watchfulness.

I stayed at the Statler longer than I should have, listening to three men at a table near the bar. Their politics were not disclosed. Discussing the last war, they were turning their backs on it, looking forward to the next. Between the two wars they found not even a psychological connection. They agreed vociferously and bitterly that the last war had been unnecessary, whereas the next was inevitable. We had fought the wrong enemies, apparently by our own choice and without a single righteous reason. But the next war would have an honest moral basis.

Everyone was afraid these days, I told myself. In 1932 the American people had been afraid too; but their fear had sunk to a warmly communicable despair that often yielded positive action and a defiant release from the thing Franklin Roosevelt called "fear itself." Now the fear which the government should be meeting with vigorous courage expressed itself in an apathy and cynicism more disturbing than bonus marchers or farmers on their front steps with pitchforks in their hands.

These men in the Statler bar - their views were exceptional, maybe. But how many normal voices were heard in Washington? How many others, fearing the evil prospect, would greet the future world with solutions that stood upon the worst features of an equally evil past? Fear may come to the mind long before physical danger. Footsteps may march up and down the hallway time and again before the knock comes on the door. Then a sudden terror, as if your mind, loosely planted, has been uprooted before it can reach down to the soil or up to the sunlight. . . .

Colonel Mickey Marcus, who was later killed in Palestine, headed the War Crimes Division of the War Department. In the labyrinthine Pentagon Building, his office was distinguished from hundreds of others only by the name plate beside his door. He and I had got to know each other while drawing up the Army laws for invasion-and-occupation currencies. Having served at one time as Commissioner of Correction in New York City, and having helped to draft the Italian, German, and Japanese surrender terms, he could be tough and gentle by turns - although it never seemed' to me that he enjoyed the tough role. He had my letter before him.

"As I get it, you're interested enough to discuss it seriously.".

"That's right," I said.

"Do you think there is enough evidence to connect them with the war plans?"

"I haven't seen the evidence. But I doubt it." Mickey began to pace, occasionally stopping abruptly, frowning back at me. Now he came back and sat down. 

"Certainly a trial would have great military value if we could get all the proofs together. Right here in Alexandria there is a warehouse full of Farben records that no agency has studied. Other countries went digging for Farben documents, too. In the heat of victory they wanted them; then they stuck them away in corners.'' 

"Why couldn't the prosecution staff be increased?" 

He ignored my question. "Maybe the Farben leaders were masters of economic warfare, but if I were a judge, I would want to know how you blame a war on men who weren't even in the Army or the foreign office. I'd want to know what made Farben any different from, say, DuPont in this country."

"Don't you think the Farben leaders were different?"

"Yes, I do. Still, they didn't pull any triggers."

I agreed. What puzzled me most was that a staff had been over in Nurnberg for months, and a lot of accusations against the Farben directors had been flung around, but no single idea had been presented to show why these men, above all industrialists in the world, were the kind of men who would deliberately bring on a war. "Yet I don't think we have to show that these directors lusted for blood," I said. "We don't have to show that they enjoyed pushing pins around on a map. But suppose we could show that they had power far greater than any general in the field. Then how would the War Department feel?'' 

He was slouching in his chair, swiveling slowly. 

"In this Department,, we're thinking about two things: Russia and the atom. God knows these things are important, but I think myself - just my own opinion- that we may have a lot more to fear from the Russians if we don't consider some other facts, too. Many of these Farben men were chemists. Chemistry played its part in the atom bomb - right? There are also other deadly chemical weapons that a country can make in secret. These men made some of these weapons, we know that. A country cannot very easily test an atom bomb in secret, but for ten years these guys did make secret weapons that are still important strategically. How did they do it? There's a question a trial might answer. Chemistry today is still the greatest secret weapon." 

He loosened his tie, climbed out of the chair, and walked around the office with his hands in his pockets, as he explained that chemistry was the sperm of World War II. 

"I know, I know: you're going to say I'm reversing myself. But it's true. In this war, in Germany at least, chemical production was not just production. It was strategy. It takes a long time to make an atom bomb. But without retooling any machines, without changing anything but the label and the size of the can, in a few months the great chemists of Germany made enough Prussic acid to kill millions. And in Germany, chemistry was I.G. Farben, wasn't it? These men could make a kind of war people don't even know about. Let them go free, and they alone, working for the Russians, might have the decisive influence on whether there's to be a war." 

"Or working for us?" 

"Or for us, yes. They might also place Germany in a position to play the game both ways, for or against the Russians. We know that they can make a rocket tomorrow out of the nitrogen that would dye your wife's old dress today. When the war ended Farben was working on a rocket that would make the destruction of Hiroshima look like a small auto accident.'' 

His knowledge of Farben chemical power made an almost unbelievable tale, much of which I had never heard. I had heard of Tabun, the Farben poison gas so deadly it could penetrate any gas mask in existence. But Farben had developed, he said, the gas Sarin, as deadly as Tabun and more persistent in its future effects than the atom bomb. On instant contact Sarin sends the victim out of his head. In one secret raid, carried by less air power than an old barnstorming circus, this Sarin could exterminate three or four cities -and it might be a hundred years before people could again live in them. 

"I don't get it," I said. "You tell me all this; then you weakly ask me to take a job you're not especially anxious to have filled." 

"You don't get what I'm trying to tell you, Joe. I personally don't want to discourage you, but a lot of people in this Department are scared stiff of pinning a war plot on these men. There's no law by which we can force industrialists to make war equipment for us right now. A few American manufacturers were Farben stooges. And those who weren't can say, 'Hell, if participating in a rearmament program is criminal, we want no part of it.' " 

"We'd have to show more than just manufacturing, you know that. We'd have to show that the defendants made the Stuff intending it should be used for aggression." 

"All right, I accept that - but would the DuPonts and the Fords?" 

"Then if everyone around here is cool on a trial, what's keeping the idea alive?" 

He smiled. "The picture isn't all black yet. As far as I'm concerned, you could go over there for as long or as short a time as you liked." 

It didn't occur to me that I had to say yes, in so many words. I had never before imagined Farben production on the brink of war. If the Farben directors were guilty, their business tactics and their production must have so merged with military tactics as to make the three things almost indistinguishable. 

"I'm not convinced that we can accomplish what such a trial should accomplish. Four months ought to be long enough for me to find out." 

"I have no objection to that. Within a few days after you get home, you should get a wire from Telford Taylor agreeing to it." 

General Telford Taylor, former General Counsel for the Federal Communications Commission, had succeeded Justice Jackson as American war-crimes chief in Europe. Taylor was running into opposition on the whole idea of continuing the Nuremberg trials. Farben's Dr. Otto Ambros was still working in the French zone, and the French wouldn't give him up. And the British had refused to give up another of Farben's great industrial scientists. If the various governments weren't strongly behind a trial, how could you blame businessmen in this country for thinking that the trial was being pushed by crackpots? 

"Just one more question. If I go over there, will you back me up the best you can?" 

"My only duty is to tell you we don't like having an aggressive war charge. But if you can prove it, go ahead, and I'll try to see to it that nobody over here dictates the terms of the indictment." 

At home, a telegram from California awaited me. I should have known Ed Pauley would stick his neck out! 

DEAR JOE: 
YOUR LETTER HAS JUST NOW COME TO MY ATTENTION. YOU ARE THE BEST QUALIFIED MAN IN THE UNITED STATES TO DO THIS JOB AND WILL BE MAKING A GREAT CONTRIBUTION TO THE NATION AND FOR THE PEACE OF THE WORLD. 
EDWIN PAULEY 

"If We Lose the Next War"  
SOON AFTER WE TOOK OFF from Washington National Airport, bound for Paris, the plane ran into a cold front and deep pockets. We were driven north. I had flown in storms before; yet I was uneasy. 

Nor did I feel much better after the pilot picked up the report that all was calm to the south. Then the C-47 rode on leveled winds, but its gray fuselage was still smudged from combat. And I remembered the "peacetime" of my college days and how simple it had been then just to argue war away. On the University of Pennsylvania campus, our devils were not Dr. Ambros or Dr. ter Meer; they were Hiram Percy Maxim, inventor of the silencer, and Vickers-Armstrong of England and Schneider-Creusot of France. Some student organizations thought they could banish war simply by resolving that these men should not make munitions. Even then, I.G. Farben had been more important than the others, though we had not known it. 

The plane dipped across an archipelago of green forests. We flew low over a tiny lake. The Azores - one place where Farben had never been! 

At home was my son to whom I hadn't said goodnight often enough, and a little girl who sat on my lap with wary dignity. If they survived another war, would they get from their parents nothing better than the stale generality that one man, or one ideology, or one type of industry, had robbed them of the best years of their lives? No -if indeed the Farben directors were guilty, they must have done more than produce. When did munitions become not just a war need but a power in itself to start or stop a war? If these men were guilty, there must have been many times when they could have turned back and didn't. Their power must have accumulated for months, maybe years, before the outbreak. In the time before armies marched were staked the guideposts, miles ahead, of future peace. The possibilities were breathtaking. 

We flew straight for the Old World. At Paris the plane stopped for an hour before we took off again, for Frankfurt, Germany. Over Luxemburg, we cruised opposite the northern tip of the Saar Basin. A mist veiled the city of Luxemburg. The slate spires, the ancient fortifications, looked no larger and no more vulnerable than a bird's-eye view in a history book. Then east of the city the mist cleared, and we saw clearly the apex of that first industrial line of defense to face the Nazis as they began their march into the Lowlands of Western Europe. By a unique strategy, in spite of Nazi decrees against German exploitation, I.G. Farben had waged a separate battle in this strip. Thanks to the Allied Military Government, the territory from Luxemburg down past Strassburg in Lorraine, and south to Mulhausen in Alsace, was still largely Farben country. Farben had stolen oxygen plants, acetylene plants, and dyestuff properties. 

The end of our flight was Frankfurt. Here the American Military Government headquarters was housed in the home office of I.G. Farben. Though the vicinity lay in ruins, this huge building had not been bombed. Checking in, I was told that General Taylor was in Nuremberg. No plane was scheduled for Nurnberg next day. I decided to fly to Berlin to check in with General Clay. 

The landing strip at Tempelhof Airport pointed the way to pyramids of granite stacked along the gutted avenues. Under the rubble the dead still smelled, though a year and a half had passed since the surrender. Almost two years from today, long after my assignment was to have been completed, I would come through Berlin again, and, passing close to one pile of debris, sniff the same carrion odor. 

I phoned General Clay's office. His secretary gave me an appointment for late afternoon. I wandered over to the Unter den Linden. Some distance north, Farben's Berlin office, "Northwest 7," had towered above the tony dress shops and modem apartments with Gothic balconies on this, Berlin's most famous avenue. I wondered whether Berlin Northwest 7 had survived the awful bombings. Farben's president, Hermann Schmitz, had set up the office in 1927 as his personal filing cabinet. Then he had turned it over to his nephew, Max Ilgner, another Farben director. In the spring of 1929, soon after taking charge at Berlin Northwest 7, Max Ilgner came to the United States to set up a new company to sell Farben products in America. This was the American I.G. Chemical Corporation. He expanded the sale of dyes and ozalid paper and Agfa cameras quickly enough to arouse notice even during the first year of the Depression. While American I.G. was a "family firm," shared largely by the younger relatives of Ger- I many's chemical moguls, most of these men became American citizens. And within two years, the board of directors included Walter Teagle, president of Standard Oil Company (New Jersey) ; Charles Mitchell, president of the National City Bank of New York; and Edsel Ford. 
Nicola Perscheid - Carl Duisberg vor 1930.jpg
So far. so good. But in 1931 Ilgner returned to the United States to form another New York corporation called "Chemnyco." The stated purpose of Chemnyco was to handle patent arrangements for Farben with U.S. firms. One of Chemnyco's directors was the son of Carl Duisberg, Germany's most noted older scientist and first chairman of Farben's board of directors. A prominent stockholder was the son of Walther vom Rath, the first vice-chairman, under Duisberg, of Farben's board. The young Duisberg and the young Vom Rath became American citizens. 

Then the United States government got curious about the whole setup. Ilgner was a statistician, and his Berlin office was called a "statistical office." Not a patent expert, why was he the head of this patent firm? Ilgner belonged to business organizations in twenty countries. Businessmen generally had regarded this as an eccentricity; still, several facts suggested that it might be a front for undercover activities. 
Max Ilgner before the war" by OMGUS Military Tribunal
In 1934, Max Ilgner appointed his brother Rudolf, long an American citizen, to manage both firms. And in 1937 Max and Rudolf transferred the "statistical unit" of American I.G. Chemical Corporation to Chemnyco. A spate of secret dispatches flowed between the Chemnyco office at 520 Fifth Avenue and Ilgner's Berlin office. 

The Department of Justice finally subpoenaed Chemnyco's "statistical records," while investigating alleged violations of the anti-trust laws. These records had been destroyed by Rudolf Ilgner. Rudolf was indicted only for "obstructing justice." He pleaded guilty and was fined $1000. 

Records destroyed in New York- records buried in Berlin. Had anyone on the prosecution staff solved that mystery? Berlin Northwest 7 was too long a walk from Tempelhof Airport. The answer would have to wait until I got to Nurnberg. 

I stopped at a newsstand. The Farben issue was not dead in Berlin. One of the Soviet-licensed papers featured the charge that I.G. Farben was still going strong. The workers were exhorted to rise against their "Western oppressors." That reminded me of the Communist line I had heard everywhere I went: You have lived through the Fascist terror, and now you are being overwhelmed by super-capitalism. Everywhere the Communists wildly charged that capitalism and Fascism were brothers under the skin. Instead of pulling out the slivers so that we might hold out healthy hands in answer, we had agreeably helped the charge along by treating outfits like I.G. Farben as normal private enterprise. Was this a deliberate American policy? Of course not. Four times in the last year, the American Military Government had announced that "in accordance with American policy" I.G. Farben had been broken up into smaller units. The fact was that under the same old management - save for a few men in jail, who were permitted to carry on half their duties - Farben shares were doing a lively business on the Bourse. And the office of the American Military Governor, General Clay, was doing nothing about it. 

Between visits to friends around the city, I had plenty of time to ponder what General Clay's reception would be. My thoughts went back to July of 1946 when I had joined Pauley in Paris on his third mission. We had been directed to look over conditions in Germany, but President Truman had also instructed us to attend the Paris Conference. Pauley had divided his staff. Luther Gulick (one of Truman's advisors on reorganizing the executive branch), Pauley, and I checked in at the Prince de Galles Hotel in Paris. The rest of the staff, under Martin Bennett, went on to Berlin. 

Pauley had given Bennett a letter to General Clay explaining what co-operation the mission would require. Among other things, Bennett was to find out whether the dismantling of certain German war plants for delivery to European countries was proceeding on schedule, and how far Clay had gone toward restoring property which the Nazis had stolen in overrunning Europe. Since the Farben influence had been predominant, Bennett was to check specifically on the Farben plants. 

On the day Bennett arrived at Clay's headquarters, we got a phone call from Bennett. Pauley was paged in the dining room. 'Why don't you boys come up to the suite with me?" he said. 'Bennett may have some questions for you, too." 

In his room, we sat on the bed while Pauley picked up the phone. ". . . Yes, yes, this is Mr. Pauley. . . . I understand Mr. Bennett is calling from Berlin. . . . Yes. . . . Hello, Martin." There was a long pause. "Well, did you show him your credentials? . . . All right, Clay will be here tomorrow. Just sit tight until I talk to him." 

Hanging up, he turned to us. "Well, boys, Bennett showed our papers and it seems they're not good enough. Maybe we'll have to get into Germany by way of the underground." 

Bennett had shown his credentials to General Clay, and Clay had said that he thought it a very serious question whether Pauley had any valid authority to make this investigation. Bennett was flabbergasted. What more valid credentials could he present than a letter from the representative of the President? Clay answered that he was going to Paris tomorrow and that he would talk to Pauley then. Bennett had then asked Clay what he should do in the meantime, and Clay had said: "You may talk to the staff if you wish, with the understanding that it's not official." 

Gulick and I were flabbergasted, too. 

Bennett had been on one Presidential mission, and, besides, was friendly and diplomatic by nature. Gulick and I figured immediately that Clay must have doubted Pauley's authority because he considered Pauley a dead duck politically. Only a few weeks before, Harold Ickes and others had tried to persuade the Senate that Pauley would not make a competent Undersecretary of the Navy. 

Pauley was amused, and not as excited as Gulick and I. He said, "Well, boys, I may be dead but I'm not buried yet. If he's looking for a fight, he's going to get it." He turned to me. "That's about what I'd like to say. You put it in official form." He picked up the phone and ordered a round of drinks. 

Gulick and I discussed the approach; then I called in a secretary and dictated a letter reciting Pauley's written directives from the President. I concluded by saying that if, after reading this letter, Clay still felt that the mission did not have proper authority, Mr. Pauley would have no alternative but to cable the President that he was unable to carry out his orders because Clay had, in effect, canceled them. 

After reading the draft, Pauley said, "This'll do it, OK. Let's have this delivered to Clay's suite so that he will get it when he arrives from Berlin tomorrow afternoon. Also, Joe, as a matter of course, let's cable a copy of the letter to Justin Wolfe." He smiled. "Wolfe might get a kick out of this." 

Pauley's Washington office was in the State Department Building. His on-the-spot assistant there was Justin Wolfe. Being on a Presidential mission, however, we used White House stationery and appropriately cited the White House as our authority. So we did not think it significant - although it gave us a good laugh - when next morning we got this cablegram: 

CONGRATULATIONS ON YOUR LETTER TO CLAY. IT WAS A BEAUT. 
WOLFE - WHITE HOUSE 

Gulick looked at the cablegram and said: "Does General Clay know Justin Wolfe?" 

"I don't know," I said. "Why?" 

"Because this cable was relayed through Clay's headquarters in Berlin. Apparently Washington doesn't realize we have arrived in Paris. Wouldn't it be funny if Clay thought this cable was coming from the President direct instead of from Wolfe?" 

That afternoon General Clay and his economic advisor, General Draper, checked in at the Prince de Galles. During the 1920's Draper, an executive in Dillon Reed Company of New York, had made many investments in enterprises in Germany. 

Clay and Draper were talking heatedly as they left the desk. They came over and sat on a sofa with their backs to me. From a couple of loud remarks I overheard, I surmised that they must have been informed of Wolfe's cable. I went back up to Pauley's suite and told him what to expect. About an hour later, the phone rang and Pauley answered. "I'll be able to come right away." He hung up. "Here we go, boys." 

Pauley got back from his conference a half-hour later. He was shaking his head. "I can't believe it," he said. "This is getting to be pretty serious. As soon as I walked into the room General Clay said, 'I'm resigning.' " 

Pauley explained that for some time after he'd entered, Clay had been literally shaking and kept repeating, "I'm resigning. Either I'm the boss in Germany or I'm not." 

"Well, Lucius," Pauley had answered, "do what you want; but I believe you would be doing a great disservice to our country to pull out at this time. You are doing a grand job and to quit over an issue like this seems rather silly." 

We were all puzzled at this amazing development and speculated that Draper might have been egging Clay on. By all reports Clay had been working day and night, and he looked very tired. It was my personal opinion that Clay must have thought the cable from \ "Wolfe - White House" had the support of the President and amounted to a Presidential rebuke. 

Clay never did officially admit our authority, nor did he resign. Pauley sensed this at the time and telephoned Bennett to "go ahead anyway unless they stop you." 

Since the Paris Conference, I had come to believe that perhaps the clash between Clay and Pauley signified more than a personal incident, and that General Clay exemplified, more than any other official in Germany, the paradox of our policy in Europe. This policy had become steadily more perplexing. At Paris, Molotov announced Russia's program to build a strong industrial Germany. This was the first public bid for the favor of the German interests which had supported Hitler industrially. After the Paris Conference, of course, both East and West began openly outbidding each other. I believed that the discrepancy between the Potsdam agreement of the year before and these conflicting bids for German favor was never far from Clay's mind and must have had something to do with his reaction to the Pauley mission. 

But in January 1947 bygones were bygones, apparently. After I was announced, General Clay flung open the door and came into his executive office, hands outstretched. "Come in and sit down." 

We soon came to a discussion of the theme I had been preaching since 1944. To build up Germany again as the industrial heart of Europe, particularly if controlled by the very businessmen who had helped lead Europe to war, would lose us our best European friends. 

As he saw it, Clay answered, the problem was how to keep Germany strong enough industrially to maintain a healthy economy, without permitting such an economy to serve the German groups which were still fanatically militaristic. Certain provisions of the Potsdam agreement had been designed to forward exactly that aim, and Clay was not enforcing these provisions - though I did not believe this was all his fault. The program for turning over excess German war plants (and there were many more such plants intact than was generally known) to the devastated countries, for the rebuilding of the general European economy, had been unpopular among many top officials of the State and War Departments. 

I remarked that since 1945 we had done little to reassure the European peoples that Germany wouldn't, sooner or later, become a dominant military power again, with the blessing and support of the West. Even supposing that never happened, hundreds of thousands feared it, and this fear had driven many to an alliance with the East. I added that I felt that the trial of the I.G. Farben directors might at least help reassure the Europeans that the Americans were opposed to restoring the power of the aggressive German industrialists. 

Clay replied that he was "in general sympathy" with the Farben trial, though he had some questions which no doubt would be answered as time went on. He was vehement in saying that no German general should be tried on the charge that his part in the war was a crime. "If we lose the next war," Clay said, "that would be a precedent for trying our American generals." 

"Only," I pointed out, "if the American generals conspired to launch an attack against defenseless neighbors." 

I was pretty discouraged. Clay was boss here. By this time, his political advisor, Robert Murphy, had refused to hand over to General Taylor a good, deal of incriminating evidence against some of the German diplomats. Most generals didn't want the generals tried; the diplomats didn't want the diplomats tried; our industrialists didn't want the industrialists tried; and now, I thought, it would be logical for Truman and Attlee to proclaim that the trial of Goering was a mistake. Then, after any future war there would be only one group left to try - the victims-in their graves. 






FAIR USE NOTICE


This site contains copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. As a journalist, I am making such material available in my efforts to advance understanding of artistic, cultural, historic, religious and political issues. I believe this constitutes a 'fair use' of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law.

In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, the material on this site is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for research and educational purposes. Copyrighted material can be removed on the request of the owner.

The GRAND DESIGN

THE GRAND DESIGN by Douglas Reed INTRODUCTION  The ways in which people try to explain what is happening in the world around them, whether i...