PART 4: FINAL JUDGMENT,THE MISSING LINK IN THE JFK ASSASSINATION CONSPIRACY

FINAL JUDGMENT 

The Missing Link in the 

JFK Assassination Conspiracy 

By MICHAEL COLLINS PIPER

Chapter Eight 

Thick as Thieves: 

A Dangerous Liaison— 

James Jesus Angleton and 

the Unholy Alliance Between Israel, 

the CIA and the Meyer Lansky Organized Crime Syndicate 

By 1963 John F. Kennedy was not only at war with Israel and the Meyer Lansky Organized Crime Syndicate, but he was also at war with their close ally in the international intelligence underworld—the CIA. That was a deadly combination. 

The CIA and Israel had forged a close-working strategic alliance in the previous decade. Their joint enterprises around the globe tied the CIA and Israel together inextricably. Israel's interests—and the CIA's interests—were often one and the same, perhaps too often. Likewise with the Meyer Lansky crime network. 

What's more, Israel's chief contact at the CIA in Washington, James Jesus Angleton, ultimately played a pivotal role in the JFK assassination conspiracy cover-up. Angleton, too, had close links with the same forces in the Lansky Syndicate. 

At the Central Intelligence Agency headquarters at Langley, Virginia there was one man who knew perhaps better than any other American, Israel's intentions and attitudes toward President John F. Kennedy. This was the enigmatic James Jesus Angleton. Angleton was so close to the Israelis during his tenure at the CIA that, following his death in 1987, a monument was unveiled in Israel by its government in his honor. This is one of the few known public monuments to any American CIA official anywhere in the entire world but actually one of several memorials to Angleton in Israel. 

According to Andrew and Leslie Cockburn, co-authors of Dangerous Liaison: The Inside Story of the U.S.-Israeli Covert Relationship, Angleton was "a man who for nearly a quarter of a century was one of the most powerful and mysterious figures in the CIA."258 

According to the Cockburns, "Angleton was involved in many strange and secret dealings in the world of intelligence, but the Israelis like to talk of him as having been especially close to them, which is why they paid public homage to his memory." 259 

Recruited into the Office of Strategic Services (O.S.S) while at Yale University, Angleton was a fast-rising star in the world of clandestine activities, and following the abolition of the O.S.S after World War II, Angleton entered into service with the Central Intelligence Agency after the CIA was established in 1947. By 1954 Angleton assumed the highly sensitive post of chief of CIA counterintelligence. What's more, Angleton's influence within the CIA itself was of a greater magnitude than what otherwise might be expected. Angleton was a very powerful—and secretive—man. 

POWERFUL PATRONS 

According to Angleton's biographer, Tom Mangold, CIA Director Allen Dulles and his deputy, Richard Helms, who later went on to become CIA director under Lyndon Johnson, were Angleton's mentors. However, Mangold says, Helms was Angleton's "chief patron." 260 Dulles, of course, was later fired as CIA director by JFK and then, in a twist of fate—or by someone's design—served on the Warren Commission which ostensibly investigated JFK's murder. And it would be Helms, along with Angleton, who would later be implicated in a strange series of events—examined in Chapter 16 in detail—that would ultimately and apparently unwittingly blow the lid off the CIA's involvement in the JFK assassination. 

A POWER UNTO HIMSELF 

According to the CIA spymaster's biographer, "Angleton's longstanding friendships with Dulles and Helms were to become the most important factor in giving him freedom of movement within the CIA. Angleton was extended such trust by his superiors that there was often a significant failure of executive control over his activities. The result was that his subsequent actions were performed without bureaucratic interference. The simple fact was that if Angleton wanted something done, it was done. He had the experience, the patronage, and the clout. 

"In the sixties the Counterintelligence Staff, for example, had its very own secret slush fund, which Angleton tightly controlled. This fund gave him easy access to a large amount of money that was never audited (as other such funds were). Angleton argued that he would have to be trusted, without outside accountability, because it would have been difficult to allow mere clerks to go through his accounts—if only because sources would have to be revealed. The [directors of central intelligence] (including Helms) agreed to this unusual arrangement, which gave Angleton a unique authority to run his own little operations without undue supervision." 261 

In short, according to Peter Dale Scott, Angleton "managed a 'second CIA' within the CIA"262 and one, as we shall see, that was collaborating all too comfortably close with Israel's Mossad. 

INTERNATIONAL INTELLIGENCE BOSS 

However, Angleton's influence went even further. Angleton, in fact, was the CIA liaison for all Allied foreign intelligence agencies"263—in particular, and most especially, the Mossad. Through these connections, Angleton was able to manipulate intelligence activities around the globe. A friend of Angleton recalls: "That's the job that was so sensitive and that's the one that you don't read about. While he was liaising with everyone, he was getting them to do favors for either the CIA—things the CIA didn't want to carry out directly; like they've never killed anyone, right?—or for his own agenda. 

"Even on a more mundane level, he could use his contacts with Israeli intelligence, which he kept to himself, as authority for whatever line he was trying to push at the CIA. You know, 'My Israeli sources tell me such and such,' and no one was going to contradict him, since no one else was allowed to talk to Israeli intelligence. 

"I always had the impression that he used the Israelis in this way, getting them to say that the Russians had not really broken with the Chinese or whatever. They would be perfectly happy to do him the favor. On top of all that he felt that he was getting the benefit of Israeli networks and connections all over the place, not just in the Communist bloc." 264 

One friend of Angleton's (who didn't necessarily share the counterintelligence chief's infatuation with Israel) commented: "You have to understand that Jim's central dominating obsession was communism, something that for him was the essence of absolute and profound evil. For him nothing else really mattered, but he would use anyone and anything to combat it. Sure he liked Israelis . . but he was not a 'co-opted Israeli agent,' as some people in Washington used to call him." 265 

BEN-GURION'S MAN IN WASHINGTON 

Most important to Angleton, however, was his relationship with the Mossad. In fact, he was the CIA's longtime, self-appointed man at the agency's Israel desk. Angleton's biographer, Tom Mangold, points out that "The legends alone surrounding his twenty years as head of the Israeli Desk would fill another book, as indeed would the truth."266 

And although Mangold's account of Angleton's career devoted hardly any attention to Angleton's intimate ties with Israel and its Mossad, Mangold does state flatly: "I would like to place on the record, however, that Angleton's closest professional friends overseas, then and subsequently, came from the Mossad and that he was held in immense esteem by his Israeli colleagues and by the state of Israel, which was to award him profound honors after his death."267 

Angleton, in fact, had long-standing direct ties with Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion himself, dealing with the Israeli leader on an intimate basis. If there was anyone in the CIA who knew of Ben-Gurion's distaste for JFK, it was Angleton. As a devoted friend of Israel—and chief liaison with the Mossad—Angleton had to be fully aware of the raging conflict between the Israeli prime minister and the American president who refused to bow to Israel's demands. 

And considering President Kennedy's efforts to build bridges with the Soviet Union and his efforts to wind down the Cold War, one knows,beyond question, that Angleton—hard-line, even fanatical anti-communist that he was—viewed Kennedy's overtures with outrage and disgust. All of this not to mention Kennedy's own conflicts with the CIA which we will review in Chapter 9. 

KENNEDY A THREAT 

Clearly, John F. Kennedy was not only a threat to Israel and the CIA and their allies in the Meyer Lansky Organized Crime Syndicate, but also to James Jesus Angleton himself. Kennedy's war with the CIA could spell an end to Angleton's career and the world-wide intelligence empire that the strange and calculating counterintelligence boss had assembled. The ties between Angleton's CIA and the Mossad were such, according to historian Steven Stewart, that they "had the effect of ensuring that virtually every CIA man in the Middle East was also working at second hand for the Israelis . . . as the CIA's policy changed almost overnight, in an extraordinary volteface, from being largely pro-Arab to becoming almost totally pro-Israeli"268—a close relationship indeed. 

THE CIA AND ISRAEL: EARLY DAYS 

It is the CIA's relationship with Israel that is most significant in terms of that agency's global intrigue—and, of course, in light of the CIA's documented role in the assassination of John F. Kennedy (which we examine in more detail in subsequent chapters). And it was Angleton who was, as we have seen, the prime mover behind the CIA-Israeli Mossad's close working relationship—in fact, from its very beginnings. 

The late Wilbur Crane Eveland, a former adviser to the CIA and former member of the policy-planning staffs of the White House and Pentagon, had written extensively on the U.S.-Israeli relationship. In his book, Ropes of Sand, Eveland reviewed the beginnings of what Andrew and Leslie Cockburn call the "dangerous liaison"—America's covert relationship with Israel. 

This covert relationship was conducted primarily through the aegis of Angleton's Israeli desk at the CIA. Eveland writes of its origins: "CIA operations had started before Allen Dulles became director that had long range implications from which the United States might find it difficult to disengage. Stemming from his wartime O.S.S liaison with Jewish resistance groups based in London, James Angleton had arranged an operational intelligence exchange agreement with Israel's Mossad, upon which the CIA relied for much of its intelligence about the Arab states." 269 

This relationship, however, was not necessarily initially based on mutual trust. According to Wolf Blitzer, longtime Washington correspondent for the Jerusalem Post, the CIA-Mossad relationship began on a basis of mutual distrust. Blitzer notes that after Iranian militants seized the U.S. Embassy in Tehran (sparking the Iran hostage crisis of 1979-1981), the militants seized CIA documents which they later released.

"The documents," says Blitzer, "showed that Israeli intelligence agencies, mostly in the 1950's, had blackmailed, bugged, wire-tapped, and offered bribes to U.S. government officials in an effort to gain sensitive intelligence and technical information." 270 

The U.S. was apparently also spying on Israel, although this didn't appear in the report. However, when it was necessary for the CIA and the Mossad to reach a joint accord, it was James Jesus Angleton who stepped in, and, according to Blitzer, "was said to have been largely responsible for arranging the deal."271 

ASSASSINATION PLOTS 

The CIA and the Mossad had many joint ventures over the years, all conducted under Angleton's watchful eye. Some of those ventures, of course, included assassination plots. In fact, after President Eisenhower commented that he hoped that "the Nasser problem could be eliminated"272— (referring to what he perceived to be an intransigence by the Egyptian)—CIA Director Allen Dulles and Angleton launched a plan to kill Nasser. However, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles (brother of the CIA director) intervened and called off the CIA dogs. 

The CIA was also engaging in covert actions against Israel's enemies in Syria. One CIA conspiracy in 1958 to overthrow the nationalist government of Syria—which anti-communist fanatics such as Angleton considered to be "leftist"—fell apart when the CIA's paid henchmen, Syrian nationals (who evidently were patriots), turned themselves in and exposed the CIA's plot to the Syrian government. At the time, CIA director Dulles commented, "I guess that leaves Israel's intelligence service as the only one on which we can count, doesn't it?" 273 

ANGELTON'S ZR/RIFLE TEAM 

The CIA's now-best known assassination plot, of course, was the agency's collaboration with organized crime in a scheme to kill Cuban leader Fidel Castro. (We will examine the Castro assassination plot in much further detail in Chapter 11.) It is interesting to note, however, at this juncture, that as part of the plot against Castro the CIA established its now infamous ZR/Rifle Team, incorporating a wide array of foreign assassins and mercenaries—skilled and dangerous men who were trained in murder. The ZR/Rifle Team, in fact, was one of Angleton's pet in-house CIA projects which he ran in conjunction with his CIA colleague, William Harvey.274 This, in the long run, as we shall see in Chapter 16, gave Angleton and his Israeli allies access to the "talent" necessary to achieve a successful operation in Dealey Plaza in Dallas, Texas on November 22, 1963. 

A FIRM ALLIANCE

According to intelligence historian Richard Deacon, Israel's relationship with the CIA (and Angleton, in particular) had been firmly cemented: "On the American side the Israelis had won a certain amount of unofficial support from the CIA even during the Eisenhower era. The CIA had been realistic enough to realize that the Eisenhower appeasement policy towards the Arab world would ultimately be disastrous for every American interest, military or economic. 

"For this reason they had maintained a policy of allowing all intelligence operations in Israel to be carried out entirely by the Mossad. In short, what this meant was that the CIA had no office or station chief in Tel Aviv, but that certain officers in the US Embassy there co-operated with the Mossad. In theory this entailed an exchange of intelligence between the two sides and in practice this worked rather better than one could have expected normally. 

"The key figures in this arrangement were originally Mossad chief Isser Harel, Ephraim Evron, who later became deputy Israeli ambassador in Washington, and James Angleton, chief of the CIA Counter-Intelligence." 275 (Evron, as we saw in Chapter 6, also became particularly close to John F. Kennedy's successor, Lyndon Johnson, who reversed U.S. policy toward Israel— and in favor of the CIA's interventionist policies in Southeast Asia— immediately upon assuming office.) 

According to intelligence historian Deacon, Angleton exploited the new intimate relationship between the CIA and the Mossad for use internationally: "Angleton, having seen the folly of U.S. foreign policy during the abortive Suez operation, decided to counteract the State Department's bias towards the Arabs by close cooperation with Israel. It was he who first saw the need for a new policy in the Middle East and safeguards against increasing Russian influence. 

A REVERSAL OF POLICY 

"He and Evron worked well together and, as a result, the CIA helped Israel with technical assistance in the nuclear field. Evron was eager to grasp this opportunity for he had been one of the prime instigators of the aggressive challenge to John F. Kennedy's policy of friendship for Nasser and was instrumental in paving the way to a reversal of the pro-Arab policy which for a while dominated American thinking, not only under Eisenhower, but also the Kennedy administration."276 According to Deacon, Evron was Israel's most powerful figure in Washington, more highly regarded than even the Israeli ambassador and was welcomed as a Mossad liaison officer to Angleton at the Central Intelligence Agency.277 

ANGLETON AND ISRAEL'S 

NUCLEAR BOMB 

There is, in fact, evidence that Angleton was covertly assisting Israel's nuclear bomb program which, of course, was the primary source of conflict between JFK and Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion.

Tad Szulc, the noted foreign correspondent, "quoted sources close to Angleton as saying that he had indeed secretly aided Israel with technical nuclear information during the late 1950's."278 Additionally, Seymour Hersh reported that Szulc's report "fits in with something Hersh had been told by a high-level CIA official—that Angleton gave the Israelis similar technical information in the mid-1960's."279 

We do know that one of Angleton's "closest colleagues" from his days in the O.S.S in Italy was a former leader of the Jewish underground, Meir Deshalit, the older brother of Amos Deshalit, a physicist who was one of the leaders in Israel's drive to build a nuclear bomb. 280 

The evidence also suggests that Angleton was a key player in attempts within the CIA itself to cover up Israel's secret nuclear weapons development. 

John Hadden, who was the CIA station chief in Tel Aviv before his retirement in 1960, is evidently the CIA officer who first reported (perhaps incorrectly) that an Apollo, Pennsylvania company, the Nuclear Materials & Equipment Corporation (N.U.M.E.C), was illegally providing bomb-grade uranium for Israel's nuclear weapons development. 

THEODORE SHACKLEY 

However, Hadden faced much opposition from within the CIA. One individual in particular, the assistant to the deputy director for covert operations, was constantly attacking Hadden, belittling his claims. This was the ubiquitous Theodore Shackley, nicknamed "the Blonde Ghost." 

Shackley, as we'll see in Chapter 11, was a key CIA player in CIA-Lansky Syndicate plots against Fidel Castro. And it was also Shackley, as we shall see in Chapter 12, who was a key CIA player in Southeast Asia during the joint CIA-Lansky drug-trafficking operations in the region. 

Later, following his retirement from the CIA, Shackley entered into lucrative international arms dealing ventures with Shaul Eisenberg, a key Mossad operative and a major figure in Israel's nuclear development program. And later in these pages we will learn much more about the connections of both Shackley and his future business partner Eisenberg. Here, however, we see Shackley engaged in covering up Israeli operations in the nuclear development arena—along with Angleton. 

According to Hadden, Angleton "had no interest in stopping"281 the NUMEC operation, and did not. Hadden comments: "Why would someone whose whole life was dedicated to fighting communism have any interest in preventing a fiercely anti-communist nation from getting the means to defend itself?" 282 However, as we will see in Appendix Nine there is much more to the N.U.M.E.C story than meets the eye. 

SECRET MEMORANDUM 

As we noted, in Chapter 5, an internal CIA memorandum issued during the presidency of John F. Kennedy cast negative light on Israel's nuclear development program. However, according to historian Stephen Green, "It is perhaps significant that the memorandum was not drafted as a formal national intelligence estimate, which would have involved distribution to several other agencies of the government. No formal N.I.E was issued by CIA on the Israeli nuclear weapons program until 1968." 283 

There is no question, of course, considering Angleton's close ties with Israel and its Mossad, that Angleton (and perhaps the aforementioned Shackley) were instrumental in burying this memorandum. 

The CIA-Mossad joint operations relating to Israel's nuclear development continued for a generation. Many years later, the CIA and Israel jointly arranged the kidnapping of Mordechai Vanunu, a nuclear technician who blew the whistle on Israel's nuclear weapons development. A woman used to lure Vanunu in the kidnapping conspiracy was a CIA covert action operative who also did occasional work for the Mossad. 

ANGLETON'S POWER INCREASES 

With the advent of the Lyndon Johnson administration and the amazing reversal of U.S. policy toward Israel, outlined in detail in Chapter 6, and with the close relationship between Angleton's Mossad liaison, Evron, and Lyndon Johnson, Angleton's influence in Middle East policy-making became even greater. 

According to Andrew and Leslie Cockburn: "One long-serving official at the CIA's ancient rival, the code-breaking National Security Agency, states flatly that `Jim Angleton and the Israelis spent a year cooking up the 67 war. It was a CIA operation, designed to get Nasser of Egypt.' Such a verdict, from a source inside an agency that had the inclination and the facilities to monitor both the CIA and the Israelis, must carry some weight." 284 [Which leaves the question of how much the CIA knew about the US Liberty D.C]

Now all of the aforementioned is particularly relevant when one considers Angleton's preeminent role in the CIA-Mossad alliance. However, much new additional information has come to light which ties Angleton even further into the international web of conspiracy that resulted in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. 

ANGLETON, LANSKY & THE O.S.S 

Angleton, in fact, had intimate ties to Meyer Lansky-linked organized crime operations in Europe stemming back from his service in the O.S.S in England (working with British intelligence) and in Italy. And it was during this same period that Meyer Lansky himself was engaged in joint covert operations with the O.S.S, as noted in Chapter 7. It is also very likely that during this time Angleton came in contact with a young American officer detailed to the O.S.S—one Clay Shaw. As we shall see in Chapter 15, Shaw is the focal point of contact in the JFK assassination conspiracy between not only the CIA and low-level elements in the intelligence community—Lee Harvey Oswald among them—but also between Meyer Lansky's European money laundering operation based at Mossad officer Tibor Rosenbaum's Banque de Credit International (first examined in Chapter 7). 

THE JEWISH UNDERGROUND 

At the tender age of 27, Angleton—then stationed in Rome—was the youngest counterintelligence branch chief in the entire O.S.S and the only non-Briton in Italy cleared to share intelligence secrets of the top-secret Ultra program which was cracking Nazi codes. Italy, indeed, became a central point of contact for Angleton and his international intelligence connections, and particularly for his work on behalf of the state of Israel. 

By 1951 Angleton was engaged in "the underground Jewish network that ran down from Eastern Europe through Italy to the ports where shiploads of immigrants were loaded for Palestine." 285 It was this refugee network, according to Richard Deacon, writing in The Israeli Secret Service, a history of the Mossad, that was "paving the way for an ultimate intelligence network for the future state of Israel." 286 

One of Angleton's Israeli contacts in the Jewish underground in Europe was Teddy Kollek (later to become mayor of Jerusalem). Kollek, in fact, emerged to become "a close personal friend."287 Kollek, as we saw in Chapter 7, was the Haganah station chief in New York during the 1947-1948 period, engaged in arms smuggling to Palestine in conjunction with Meyer Lansky and Major Louis M. Bloomfield—whom we shall see in Chapter 15, was associated with not only the aforementioned Clay Shaw, but also with Tibor Rosenbaum's Banque De Credit International. 

TIBOR ROSENBAUM, AGAIN 

But there is an even more pivotal contact between Angleton, Major Bloomfield, Shaw and Lansky: the same Tibor Rosenbaum. In Chapter 7 we met Rabbi Tibor Rosenbaum of the Banque De Credit International. It was Rosenbaum, who went on to serve as Director General for Finance and Supply for the Mossad, who was one of the prime movers in the refugee turned-intelligence network with which Angleton worked so closely. 

It was also during this same period that the terrorist Menachem Begin (who later became prime minister of Israel) was coordinating Israel's Irgun operations in Europe. In Chapter 13, we shall find, Begin was also operating in the United States in conjunction with a key figure in the Lansky Crime Syndicate in joint efforts on behalf of Israel—and against John F. Kennedy. 

THE CORSICAN MAFIA CONNECTION 

Angleton's connections with the Lansky operations, however, go even deeper. It was through a secret CIA asset, one Jay Lovestone, that Angleton manipulated what his biographer called "an odd little operation that Angleton had been quietly running all on his own since 1955.” 288 Through an aide, Stephen Millet, who was the counterintelligence officer who handled the Israeli desk for Angleton, the CIA spymaster was maintaining close links with the criminal underworld in Italy and France. 

For details on the activities of Angleton and his Lansky-linked organized crime associates we turn to the work of Robert I. Friedman. In his biography of militant New York-born Rabbi Meyer Kahane (later a member of the Israeli parliament), we learn that it was the aforementioned Lovestone who provided Kahane and his closest associate and fellow rabbi, Dr. Joseph Churba, with financing and support. (Lansky, himself, as we saw in Chapter 7, was a contributor to Kahane's later activities in support of Israel.) In the 1960’s Churba and Kahane functioned as CIA assets in churning up Jewish support—and otherwise—for the war in Vietnam, a venture, we have seen, which proved fruitful for not only the CIA, but its allies in Israel and their allies in the Lansky Syndicate. 

THE CIA'S HIRED GUNS 

According to Friedman, "Churba and Kahane also received support from legendary cold warriors Jay Lovestone and Irving Brown, who had been top officials of the American Communist Party in the 1920's before undergoing a 'Damascus Road' conversion and who subsequently ran the A.F.L-C.I.O's powerful International Affairs Department under the tutelage of the CIA. It was under the CIA's direction that Lovestone and Brown—using Corsican and Italian mafiosos—set up right-wing death squads in Marseilles and other European cities after the Second World War to break the burgeoning left wing labor movement. Thanks to Brown, by 1953 his key contact in the Marseilles underworld, Pierre Ferri-Pisain, had control of the city's port, where he built an international heroin trafficking empire. 

"This was not the first time that American intelligence purchased the services of the Mafia. Prior to the Allied invasion of Sicily in the Second World War, the O.S.S established contacts with the Sicilian Mafia through the same Lucky Luciano who allowed [the Jewish underground] to smuggle weapons from Hoboken to the Irgun in Palestine. The Sicilian Mafia provided intelligence on the Germans, and after the war assassinated hundreds of Italian left-wing political activists."289 

According to historian Alfred McCoy, "After the CIA withdrew from active involvement Marseille's Corsicans won political protection from France's intelligence service, the S.D.E.C.E, which allowed their heroin laboratories to operate undisturbed for nearly 20 years. In partnership with Italy's Mafia syndicates, the Corsicans smuggled raw opium from Turkey and refined it into no. 4 heroin for export. Their biggest customer was the United States".290 

(In Chapter 7 we examined Lansky's pivotal role in arranging the accommodation between the OSS and the Sicilian Mafia in the famed "Operation Underworld." In Chapter 12 we will examine the Lansky-CIA manipulation of the Corsican and Sicilian organized crime elements in the drug trade. In Chapter 12 , Chapter 15 and Chapter 16, we will also examine the role of French Corsican gangsters and French intelligence operatives in the JFK assassination—linking Angleton further to the events in Dallas on November 22, 1963.) 

Here, now, we see that it was Israeli Mossad ally James J. Angleton who was, in fact, the prime mover behind the CIA operations utilizing the Corsican and Sicilian organized crime elements in Angleton's "anticommunist" ventures. That all of this was run through the Angleton's Israeli desk at the CIA is quite interesting, to say the least. This, of course, ties Angleton and the CIA and their collaborators in the Mossad even further into the Lansky network—and into the nexus revolving around the conspiracy that led to the murder of John F. Kennedy. 

ANGLETON, THE CIA & 

THE FRENCH CONNECTION 

However, Angleton's French intrigue went beyond his connections with the Corsican crime syndicate. He and the CIA were also dabbling in internal French politics, interfering with the political aims of French leader Charles DeGaulle and his political alliance. The CIA, in fact, was backing the Socialist Party. 

Historian Alfred McCoy notes that: "On the surface it may have seemed a bit out of character for the CIA to be backing so far left [a party] as a Socialist Party. However, there were only three major political parties in France—Socialist, Communist and Gaullist—and by a simple process of elimination the CIA wound up allying itself with the Socialists. 

"While General DeGaulle was too independent for American tastes, Socialist leaders were rapidly losing political ground to the Communists and thus were willing to collaborate with the CIA." 291 

That Angleton and the CIA would be actively working against DeGaulle is intriguing, particularly in light of further evidence we shall examine in Chapter 12, Chapter 15 and Chapter 16 which ties the CIA and its allies in Israel to joint operations against DeGaulle. It was from this same sphere of intrigue, as we shall see, that the JFK assassination evolved. 

MANIPULATING THE 

WARREN COMMISSION 

After John F. Kennedy was killed, it was Angleton who emerged as the CIA's "overseer" of the Warren Commission investigation into the assassination of Kennedy. In fact, as we shall see, Angleton maneuvered himself into this position. JFK assassination researcher Peter Dale Scott has written of what he called "the recurring presence of Angleton in the background of the Warren Commission investigation."292 

In 1996 new information about Angleton's peculiar role emerged when the government's JFK Assassination Records Review Board released 192 pages of heretofore-classified testimony given to the House Assassinations Committee in 1978 by a witness who was "chief of a CIA branch responsible for operations in Mexico and Central America." 293 The actual identity of the witness was considered so sensitive that the CIA insisted on withholding his real name so he testified under the alias "John Scelso." 

According to Scelso's story, it was he, "Scelso," who had initially been placed in charge of the CIA's end of the assassination investigation, but— according to Scelso—Angleton "immediately went into action to do all the investigating."294 (This suggests, of course, that Angleton did have a very specific interest in controlling any evidence which did emerge.) 

The testimony by Scelso also brought forth some interesting revelations about Angleton's organized crime connections. At one point in his testimony, a committee attorney, Michael Goldsmith, asked Scelso the intriguing question, "Do you have any reason to believe that Angleton might have had ties to organized crime?"295 to which Scelso responded in the affirmative. 

Scelso went on to explain that the Justice Department had once asked the CIA to determine the true names of people holding numbered bank accounts in Panama because the mob was hiding Las Vegas "skim" money there. Scelso commented that "We were in an excellent position to do this and told them so—whereupon Angleton vetoed it and said, 'That is the [FBI's] business."296 

When Scelso discussed this with another CIA officer, the other officer "smiled a foxy smile and said, 'Well, that's Angleton's excuse. The real reason is that Angleton himself has ties to the Mafia and he would not want to double-cross them. "297 

Indeed, Angleton, Israel's point man at the CIA, was well-placed to help cover up the real truth about Israel's role—along with that of the CIA and the Lansky syndicate—and ultimately he did. 

THE NOSENKO AFFAIR: 

PLACING BLAME 

It was Angleton who emerged in the period of the Warren Commission investigation as the leading CIA critic of Russian Soviet defector Yuri Nosenko. Nosenko, who defected to the United States in 1964, claimed to have been the KGB's case officer who handled Lee Harvey Oswald during his sojourn in Russia (presumably as a defector.) 

Nosenko's most provocative claim was that, contrary to some suspicions—and allegations—the Soviet KGB had absolutely nothing to do with the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Thus, those such as Israel's man at the CIA, Angleton, who wanted to hang the blame on the KGB for the president's murder, had what appeared to be a bona fide Soviet defector on their hands whose claims ran contrary to the propaganda line they sought to promote. Angleton was Nosenko's loudest and most vociferous accuser, determined to prove Nosenko a liar. Angleton subjected Nosenko to 1,277 days of torture, questioning and deprivation, but Nosenko stuck to his story. Angleton was clearly determined to disprove the one man who was clearly well-informed enough about the Soviet KGB to dispute the claim that the Soviets were behind the JFK assassination. Eliminating the Soviets as a suspect would, of course, shift suspicion elsewhere. Looking elsewhere for those with not only the means and the opportunity—but also the motive— to kill John F. Kennedy would have, of course, pointed in the direction of Angleton's own CIA and its allies in the Israeli Mossad. In Chapter 16 we shall see how Angleton did indeed play a key role in the JFK assassination cover-up. 

Revelation of either a CIA role or an Israeli role in the murder of JFK would have inevitably destroyed not only America's relationship with Israel, but it would have brought the international house of joint CIA-Mossad/Lansky Crime Syndicate conspiracies tumbling down. And James Jesus Angleton, as the CIA's intimate liaison with Israel, would have been destroyed in the process. Likewise with his CIA patrons, Allen Dulles and Richard Helms. 
(In Chapter 16 we shall review the activities of Angleton and Richard Helms further, particularly as they relate to the cover-up of the truth about the JFK assassination conspiracy. In Chapter 18 we shall see how Helms' close relationship with the Iranian secret police, SAVAK—created jointly by the CIA and the Mossad—tie Helms himself even further into the realm of conspiracy in the continuing cover-up of the JFK assassination.) 

Angleton's "chief patron" Richard Helms left the CIA in 1973. This was the beginning of the end of his days at the CIA. Angleton was fired by the new CIA director, William Colby, on December 20, 1974. And, as we shall see in Appendix Six, Angleton's firing not only had precisely to do with his unusually close affiliation with Israel, but ultimately may have played a part in the strange demise—years later—of William Colby. 

FANTASY IN BOOK FORM

In his remaining years, Angleton habitually met with Washington reporters, feeding them tidbits, stroking them with information, convincing them all that they were getting "the inside story"—particularly in regard to the matter of the JFK assassination. 

The ultimate parlay of Angleton's Kennedy assassination disinformation appeared in Edward Jay Epstein's book, Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald (published in 1978). Epstein, a Warren Commission "critic," first came to prominence as the author of Inquest, a book-length study of the commission, originally written as his master's thesis at Yale University, long a recruiting ground for the CIA. It was some years later, however, that Epstein came forth with Legend. As pointed out, however, by assassination researcher, Carl Oglesby, it was Angleton who was "Epstein's chief source for the narrative unfolded"298 in Legend. 

Epstein's book presented the thesis that Oswald had been recruited by the Soviet KGB during his Marine service. Later KGB asset Oswald killed JFK, but not necessarily on the Kremlin's orders. Evidently, we are led to assume, Oswald got out of control. 

Oswald's KGB connection, according to Epstein, was subsequently covered up by a Soviet mole in the CIA and then the FBI's legendary communist hunter, J. Edgar Hoover, helped in the cover-up, for reasons of his own—a fanciful story indeed. Whatever the case, it was Angleton who was Epstein's most important source of "inside" information in the weaving of this particular "legend." And interestingly enough, it was the controlled media which had otherwise scoffed at JFK conspiracy allegations that responded so favorably to this "new" conspiracy story. 

As Carl Oglesby noted at the time Legend was published: "Time called Epstein 'a careful, academic researcher' and said his evidence that Oswald was a Soviet spy was 'strong.' The New York Times Review of Books called it "fascinating, alarming and perhaps enormously significant' and praised its 'explosive qualities.' The normally chaste Wilfred Sheed swallowed the whole Angleton kaboodle and chimed in on his own that `Cuba itself seems the most likely conspirator' with Oswald. 'This one," he concluded, 'is a beauty.'"299 
(And as we shall see in Chapter 17, the controlled media's own extensive links with Israel and its lobby in America, particularly the Lansky Syndicate-funded Anti-Defamation League [A.D.L] of B'nai B'rith, accounts for the media's desire to place the blame for the JFK assassination elsewhere, other than on Angleton's CIA and his allies in Israel.) 

FOOLED BY A FALSE FLAG 

Interestingly, many American conservatives (who were certainly no admirers of the Kennedy administration) fell for the Angleton-sponsored fantasy that the KGB was behind the JFK assassination. 

They wanted, more than anything perhaps, to believe that a communist had killed JFK. It was wholly in line with their anti-communist worldview and tailor-made for those who wanted to wave the proverbial "red flag." (This red flag, as we shall see in these pages, however, was, in fact, yet another Israeli false flag.) 

Noting the conservative outcry that "a communist killed JFK," Peter Dale Scott has written of "the loud and irresponsible campaign of the American Security Council, the largest p.r. lobby for the military-industrial complex, to support the intelligence-fed claim that a KGB assassin 'had been trained at an assassin's school in the USSR for assignment later on the North American continent.’” 300 

Since the publication of the second edition of Final Judgment, a former publicist for the American Security Council. William J. Gill, acknowledged to this author his own sincere belief (at the time) that there had been a communist role in the JFK assassination. He acknowledged that, for political reasons, he had indeed been a part of the effort to pin the assassination on the Soviets. 

However, having read Final Judgment Gill concluded that, as he put it, "I think you have pinned the tail on the donkey." In other words, that he now believed that the Israeli Mossad was indeed the prime mover behind the JFK assassination. "It was an angle that I never even conceived possible— until now," he said. Gill described Final Judgment as "the most important book of the 20th century."

There is no question but that conservative elements did indeed stress the "communist" angle in the JFK assassination following the president's murder—for very obvious political motivations. 

One prominent "right wing" journalist of the time, Revilo P. Oliver— then a key figure in the John Birch Society—was actually called before the Warren Commission to elaborate on his controversial and widely-publicized theory that the Soviets had JFK executed because he [JFK] was not doing enough to advance international communism. However, shortly before his death in 1994 Oliver told associates that had he not been so ill, he would have relished the opportunity to write a favorable review of Final Judgment which had just been released earlier in the year. Oliver himself evidently realized that he, too, had been taken in by the Angleton-inspired myth. Needless to say, however, the myth the Soviets were somehow involved in the JFK assassination was an ideal cover story and one that James J. Angleton was very much the prime mover behind. 

`A MANSION HAS MANY ROOMS' 

All of this is interesting and illustrates the lengths to which Angleton would go in order to fabricate a story targeting his enemies for the blame— and clearing his friends. However, Angleton's most provocative and widely known statement, often presumed to be in reference to the JFK assassination—came when he was quoted in The New York Times —two days after he was fired from the CIA by then-Director William Colby. Angleton's cryptic remark was as follows: "A mansion has many rooms. I'm not privy to who struck John." 301 Angleton, however, insisted that the reference had nothing to do with the JFK assassination. 

Angleton died a broken man on May 11, 1987—driven out of the CIA to which he had devoted his lifetime. Angleton was correct: "A mansion has many rooms." There was yet another secret room—so to speak—a shadowy intelligence operation working closely with Organized Crime and the CIA in a wide variety of ventures both in the United States and around the globe: James Jesus Angleton's beloved allies in Israel's Mossad. 

A FINAL NOTE: 

Since the first release of Final Judgment—which was the first JFK assassination book to seriously focus on James Angleton (based upon leads provided by Mark Lane's Plausible Denial)—JFK researcher Lisa Pease (who received a copy of Final Judgment from the author) has written two excellent articles examining Angleton's critical role in the JFK affair. They appear in the book The Assassinations (Los Angeles, Feral House Press, 2003) edited by Miss Pease and James DiEugenio. Unfortunately, although Miss Pease referenced Final Judgment, in passing in earlier renditions of her essays (when they were first published on the Internet), she has since deleted those references, perhaps out of fear of being associated with yours truly. In any case, Miss Pease also rushes to assure her readers that she has found no evidence to support the theory that Angleton was "controlled" by the Mossad, despite her suggestion that other un-named writers have asserted as much. In fact, as readers of Final Judgment know well, no such assertion is made in this book. Quite the contrary, Angleton was a Mossad loyalist. No "control" was necessary.

Chapter Nine 

A Little Unpleasantness: 

JFK's War With Israel's 

Allies at the CIA 

JFK's battle with the CIA over the Bay of Pigs debacle was just the beginning. By November of 1963, JFK was not only fighting the CIA's Israeli allies over the nuclear bomb, but he was also resisting efforts by the CIA to involve the United States more deeply in Southeast Asia. In fact, JFK planned to dismantle the CIA entirely—a move that would threaten Israel's power base in official Washington. 

At the same time, the CIA and the Mossad were also engaged in efforts to undermine French President Charles DeGaulle. In the end, the intrigue against DeGaulle would prove to play a little-known but critical part in the JFK assassination conspiracy. 

In 1972 the Washington Observer newsletter published perhaps what was one of the first hints—in print—that the Kennedy family itself suspected that the CIA had a hand in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. 

According to the Observer, "Back in 1963, shortly after President Kennedy's assassination, Robert F. Kennedy while he was still Attorney General, conducted his own private investigation, which ran parallel with the official inquiry into the assassination conducted by the Warren Commission. Kennedy's investigation featured trips to this country by an Inspector Hamilton, former Chief Inspector of Scotland Yard. Hamilton, an old friend of Joseph P. Kennedy, had been retained by the attorney general to help unravel the real truth about the murder of JFK. 

"After long conferring with the members of the Kennedy family and making a few discreet soundings with his own contacts, Hamilton zeroed on the fact that the assassination of John Kennedy had occurred very shortly after his brother Bobby had made some preliminary moves for direct personal control of the CIA, whose leadership he blamed for the Bay of Pigs fiasco. 

"Hamilton, following the cui Bono ("whom does it benefit?") reasoning, reached the conclusion that Bobby's move to seize control of the CIA had something to do with the murder of his elder brother."302 

THE BAY OF PIGS 

That the Bay of Pigs debacle was a major bone of contention between the Kennedy brothers and the CIA is now very much a recognized part of history. The bitterness that developed between JFK and the CIA over the failed attempt to invade Castro's Cuba was a serious point of conflict between the president and the intelligence agency. The Bay of Pigs and its aftermath was a sore spot between Kennedy and the CIA, but not the last. It did, however, set in motion events leading to the final showdown between JFK and the CIA, what, in fact, was ultimately the assassination of the American president. 

The family biographers of Chicago Mafia boss, Sam Giancana, who participated in the infamous CIA-Organized Crime plots against Fidel Castro (which we will examine in more detail in Chapter 11) report that Giancana was very much aware that the CIA was unhappy with the Kennedy's. "Within the CIA, the dismay at having been betrayed by both the President and attorney general, as well as the President's open promise to dismantle the intelligence agency's power, soon turned to hatred, creating a ripple effect that would blacken the moods of the men [Giancana] dealt with in his covert operations. These men expressed their outrage at the Bay of Pigs operation along with their fear that Kennedy now posed a very real threat to the CIA's continued autonomy, perhaps its very existence." 303 

KENNEDY MOVES AGAINST THE CIA 

In his best-selling, Plausible Denial, in which he pinpoints the CIA's role in the JFK assassination conspiracy, veteran JFK assassination investigator Mark Lane commented on the CIA's move against the president: 

"If the CIA operatives, officers, and former officers believed that the defense of their Agency and their nation required the elimination of President Kennedy because he was about to dismantle their organization, one could comprehend, while neither accepting nor condoning their viewpoint, that their concept of self-defense required them to use deadly force. Most relevant, therefore, is not what Kennedy was or was not about to do vis-à-vis the CIA, but what the leaders of the Agency believed he might do. 

"John F. Kennedy made it clear that he planned to destroy the CIA. The New York Times reported on April 25, 1966, under a sub headline, 'Kennedy's Bitterness,' that 'as the enormity of the Bay of Pigs disaster came home to him, [Kennedy] said to one of the highest officials of his Administration that he wanted 'to splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.' 

"He clearly was not suggesting a modest legislative proposal or executive order to modify or reform the organization. The total destruction of the Agency was his apparent objective." 304 

CONTROLLING THE CIA 

Lane points out that Kennedy's preliminary actions against the CIA had already been set in motion and that the president was very clearly moving toward ultimate evisceration of the agency. 

"Kennedy dealt with the CIA through the implementation of a three point emergency program designed to control the agency. He fired its most culpable and powerful leaders, he appointed a high-level committee, the Cuban study group, to investigate the misdeeds of the organization so that he might determine what additional short-range limitations were required and, in the interim, he dramatically reduced the powers and jurisdiction of the Agency and established strict limits as to its future actions through National Security Action memorandum." 

"Kennedy then sought to control the Agency by sharply reducing its ability to act in the future through National Security Action Memorandum 55, 56 and 57. These documents, in theory, eliminated the ability of the CIA to wage war. The CIA would not be permitted to initiate any operation requiring greater firepower than that generated by handguns." 305 

That all of these actions upset the CIA and its allies is undoubted. One man on the scene at the time was Col. L. Fletcher Prouty, who served as liaison between the Defense Department and the CIA during the relevant period. 

According to Prouty, "Nothing I had ever been involved in my entire career had created such an uproar. N.S.A.M 55 stripped the CIA of its cherished covert operations role, except for small actions. It was an explosive document. The military-industrial complex was not pleased." 306 

THE CIA AND VIETNAM 

However, Kennedy's conflict with the CIA went well beyond the issue of Cuba. The burgeoning issue of U.S. involvement in Southeast Asia had positioned the president at odds with the CIA even further. 

By late 1963 JFK's conflict with the CIA was in full force and although it was not the subject of heated public discussion, the word was leaking out through official and un-official channels that there was something afoot at the highest levels. 

On October 3, 1963, the dean of America's newspaper columnists, Arthur Krock, was writing frankly in the New York Times of Kennedy's war with the CIA—a war which was intensifying over the issue of Vietnam. Krock's front-page article, in fact, was entitled, "The Intra-Administration War in Vietnam." 

KENNEDY'S TRUSTED CONDUIT 

But what is so astounding about the column is that Krock quoted a high-level administration source as having suggested that if there were ever a coup d'etat in the United States, one might expect that it would be the CIA which was responsible—this just weeks before JFK was murdered. 

The significance of this astounding column is that it was Arthur Krock who affixed his name to this explosive report: Krock was a longtime close friend and confidant of the Kennedy family and had even ghost-written several published works on behalf of the president's father, Ambassador Joseph P. Kennedy. 

The columnist was a key Kennedy link in press circles and would have been the first and foremost choice of President Kennedy if JFK had wished to utilize the press to bring his conflict with the CIA into the public arena. As Mark Lane so aptly described the column: "This was John F. Kennedy sending out a message to the American people through his trusted conduit Arthur Krock." 307 

This column remained forgotten in the wake of the president's assassination, but it was in 1992 that Lane surfaced the prophetic warning and began bringing it to the attention of American audiences who now had a renewed interest in the Kennedy assassination. 

OUT OF CONTROL 

Lane described the column: "Krock pointed out that John F. Kennedy had gone to war against the CIA. He concluded that Kennedy no longer could control the CIA. 

The columnist stated that President Kennedy sent Henry Cabot Lodge, his Ambassador to Vietnam, with orders to the CIA on two separate occasions and in both cases the CIA ignored those orders, saying that it was different from what the agency thought should be done. In other words, the CIA had decided that it,not the president,would make the decisions as to how American foreign policy should be conducted."308 

Lane pointed out that a source for Krock's column was a report filed for the Scripps-Howard newspapers by foreign correspondent Richard Starnes who had interviewed a number of high-ranking administration officials and others who expressed their concern about the CIA's intransigence. 

A CIA-SPONSORED COUP D'ETAT?

According to Krock's column: "Among the views attributed to United States officials on the scene, including one described as a "very high American official . . . who has spent much of his life in the service of democracy . . . are the following: 

The CIA's growth was "likened to a malignancy" which the "very high official was not sure even the White House could control . . . any longer." 

"If the United States ever experiences [an attempt at a coup to overthrow the Government] it will come from the CIA and not the Pentagon." The agency "represents a tremendous power and total unaccountability to anyone." 

"Whatever else these passages disclose, they most certainly establish that representatives of other Executive branches have expanded their war against the CIA from the inner government councils to the American people via the press. 

And published simultaneously are details of the agency's operations in Vietnam that can come only from the same critical official sources. This is disorderly government. And the longer the President tolerates it—the period already is considerable—the greater the real war against the Vietcong and the impression of a very indecisive Administration in Washington. 

"The CIA may be guilty as charged. Since it cannot, or at any rate will not, openly defend its record in Vietnam or defend it by the same confidential press 'briefings' employed by its critics, the public is not in a position to judge. Nor to this department, which sought and failed to get even the outlines of the agency's case in rebuttal. 

"But Mr. Kennedy will have to make a judgment if the spectacle of war within the Executive branch is to be ended and the effective functioning of the CIA preserved. And when he makes this judgment, hopefully he also will make it public, as well as the appraisal of fault on which it is based. 

"Doubtless recommendations as to what his judgment should be were made to him today by Secretary of Defense McNamara and General Taylor on their return from their fact-finding expedition into the embattled official jungle in Saigon." 309 

It is ironic, indeed, that Krock's column concluded with its reference to the trip by McNamara and Taylor to Southeast Asia. 

For, as Col. Fletcher Prouty points out, upon their return they "reported to the President that it looked to them, after their visit to Saigon, as though things could be put under control and that we would be able to withdraw all personnel from Vietnam by the end of 1965. 

"Now we can see why they chose that date," comments Prouty. "This was the date the President had used in his own discussions with his closest advisers. They all knew that he planned to announce a pullout once he had been re-elected." 310 

It was soon thereafter, however, that John F. Kennedy was indeed gone from the scene and the president's plans for withdrawal from Vietnam, so carefully drawn, were now being reversed by the new President. 

THE CIA PREVAILS 

In his book Plausible Denial, Mark Lane summarizes the events which occurred: "Just four days after the death of President Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson signed N.S.A.M 273 that began to reverse the policy of withdrawal from Vietnam and signified the beginning of the escalation of the conflict. The CIA had prevailed. The effort in Southeast Asia was to become a massive land-based war." 

"During March, 1964, Johnson signed N.S.A.M 288 that repudiated Kennedy's plan to end the U.S. military participation in the war that year. In the months that followed, Johnson increased the military commitment from under 20,000 troops to approximately a quarter of a million." 311 

"Years later . . . after the deaths of more than 50,000 Americans and more than a million Vietnamese, Laotians, and Cambodians, the war finally ended with the military defeat of the United States."312 

However, as we have seen in Chapter 6, the war in Vietnam proved a boon to the CIA's allies in Israel, allowing the Middle East state to flex its muscles in the region. 

And in Chapter 12 we shall see that a joint CIA-Meyer Lansky Crime Syndicate venture in the international drug racket out of Southeast Asia proved so very profitable, conducted under military cover in the midst of U.S. involvement in Vietnam.

THE CIA AND THE JFK ASSASSINATION 

It was not until the release of Plausible Denial that the extent of the CIA's involvement in the JFK assassination was fully outlined. Suspicion of the CIA's complicity was commonplace over the years, but Lane's book proved the matter once and for all. And, significantly, his book was a written summation of a libel trial in Miami some years previously in which the jury had concluded that the CIA had indeed been involved in the JFK assassination conspiracy and cover-up. 

The circumstances of how the trial came about are interesting. It was in 1978, that a Washington-based weekly newspaper, The Spotlight, published an article by former high-ranking CIA official Victor Marchetti which alleged the CIA intended to frame longtime CIA operative E. Howard Hunt for involvement in the Kennedy assassination. 

Hunt, of course, was the CIA's chief political liaison with the anti Castro Cuban community during the period leading up to the JFK assassination and who had, subsequently, over the years, been mentioned as a suspect in the assassination conspiracy. 
(Hunt had organized, on the CIA's behalf, several anti-Castro Cuban groups, including the Revolutionary Democratic Front. Hunt's Cuban point man in the RDF, Antonio de Varona, in fact, personally received funding for the RDF from Meyer Lansky himself.) 313 

Marchetti's article suggested that there was then so much growing suspicion that the CIA had been involved in the JFK assassination that the CIA had decided that it would sacrifice Hunt and say that Hunt was a "renegade" operative involved in the president's assassination. 

HUNT A FREE-LANCE OPERATIVE? 

However, according to Marchetti, the CIA intended to say that Hunt and his co-conspirators had been operating independently—that the CIA as an institution had not been part of the conspiracy.

Although the editors of The Spotlight felt Marchetti's article served, if anything, as an advance warning to Hunt about what his former employers had in mind, the ex-CIA man decided to sue, even though he ultimately admitted under oath that he believed The Spotlight's story seemed plausible. When the case finally went to trial in federal court in Miami, the newspaper suffered a devastating loss. The jury found in favor of Hunt and ordered The Spotlight to pay $650,000 in damages. 

Fortunately—for The Spotlight—an error in the trial judge's instructions to the jury gave the populist weekly grounds for an appeal. When the case was successfully appealed and ordered for retrial, Mark Lane—an attorney—stepped in for the defense. 

Among the big names deposed during the Hunt case were: former CIA Director Richard Helms; former CIA Director Stansfield Turner; former CIA chief for the Western Hemisphere David Phillips; and former CIA and FBI man (and Watergate celebrity) G. Gordon Liddy. The most damning evidence against Hunt came, however, when attorney Lane presented the deposition of former CIA operative Marita Lorenz 

HUNT, STURGIS AND RUBY IN DALLAS

 

Miss Lorenz testified that one day prior to the president's assassination she arrived in Dallas (traveling from a CIA "safe house" in Miami) in a two car caravan. Accompanying Miss Lorenz on what she described as a secret mission were several CIA operatives, led by Miss Lorenz' CIA "handler," Frank Sturgis, armed with telescopic rifles. According to Miss Lorenz she had not been apprised of the purpose of the mission. 

Upon arrival in Dallas, according to Miss Lorenz, they met with not only E. Howard Hunt, who was functioning as the CIA operatives' paymaster, but also nightclub operator Jack Ruby who later executed the president's alleged assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald. 

When Hunt himself took the stand, attorney Lane, while questioning Hunt, pointed out numerous inconsistencies in Hunt's testimony. Hunt himself had told several stories, over the years, about where he had been on the day the president was assassinated. 

It was Miss Lorenz' testimony, however, that convinced the jury that the CIA had been involved in the Kennedy assassination. The jury found in favor of The Spotlight and dismissed Hunt's claim. 

Leslie Armstrong, a Miami resident who was jury forewoman in the case, issued a statement in conjunction with the release of Lane's written account of the trial: 

"Mr. Lane was asking us [the jury] to do something very difficult. He was asking us to believe John Kennedy had been killed by our own government. Yet when we examined the evidence closely, we were compelled to conclude that the CIA had indeed killed President Kennedy." 314 

In his best-selling Plausible Denial Lane recounted this exciting trial and demonstrated other compelling evidence that he uncovered which proves that the CIA did indeed have a hand in the president's assassination But in Chapter 16 of Final Judgment we will look more closely at the activities of both E. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis, examining remarkable evidence which points further toward the involvement of the Mossad—alongside the CIA—in the JFK assassination conspiracy. 

THE NOVO BROTHERS 

But there are other interesting connections, in the meantime, that should be explored. Lane has described how Miss Lorenz had gone even further in her testimony, naming other CIA operatives who had been in the two-car caravan organized by Frank Sturgis in which Lorenz traveled from Miami to Dallas. According to Lane, "Before Miss Lorenz testified, I asked her, Will you tell me the names of the people who traveled with you in that two-car caravan?

"She said that she wouldn't name names. 'That could get me killed,' she said. 'Don't ask me that question. I want you to promise me that you won't ask me that question.' However, " according to Lane, "Mr. Hunt's lawyer asked her that question and she answered it, to my surprise. She said that it was the Novo brothers." 

According to Lane, "The Novo brothers—Guillermo and Ignacio—are very interesting characters. I've done some research on them. I can assure you," said Lane, "that the first time I heard their name connected with the Kennedy assassination was when Miss Lorenz gave their names to Hunt's lawyer. She had not told me anything before that. 

"After her testimony to Hunt's lawyer, I asked Miss Lorenz, 'Why did you tell them?' She said—referring to Hunt, the CIA and his lawyers—`If they are so dumb as to ask me that question, then it is not my fault if I give them the answer. It's on their heads,’ said Miss Lorenz. `If you had asked me, it would have been a different story. However, if the CIA—through Hunt and his lawyers—asked that question, then it's on the record and it's their fault, not mine.’" 

THE HUNT-BUCKLEY CONNECTION

 

"These Novo brothers that Miss Lorenz named have been involved in a series of intelligence related crimes. They were involved in the murder in Washington, D.C. in 1976 of former Chilean government official Orlando Letelier and Ronnie Moffit, a woman who was with him. A man named Michael Townley who was connected with the Chilean secret police was involved in planning the Letelier murder with the Novo brothers. When Townley was indicted, he testified against the Novos. 

"Townley was questioned by the FBI who asked Townley to show them where in New York City he had his first meeting with the Novos. Townley pointed out a building at 500 Fifth Avenue and showed the FBI the office on the 41st floor where the first meeting was held." 315 

According to Lane, research indicated that the meeting was held in the office of then-U.S. Sen. James Buckley (C-N.Y.). Now a federal judge on the U.S. District Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia, Buckley is the brother of former CIA operative and conservative fortnightly National Review founder William F. Buckley, Jr. 
(E. Howard Hunt was William F. Buckley's immediate superior in the CIA during the period that the two served together in the CIA in Mexico for nine months in the period of 1951-52.) 

According to Lane, "The testimony by Townley made reference to a William Sampol who worked in James Buckley's office. Sampol was a cousin of the Novo brothers."316 

Lane points out that the murder of Letelier took place during the time that George Bush was director of the CIA: "There is evidence that Bush was given information that indicated that the Chilean government was responsible for the murder of Letelier. However, Bush gave information to selected friends in the news media the story that Letelier was killed by his own supporters who wanted to make him [Letelier] a martyr. 

According to Lane, "It was William F. Buckley, Jr. who took that story from Bush and ran with it. The media followed Buckley's lead, but the story turned out not to be true." (In Chapter 20, as we shall see, it was George Bush who, in many ways, had very close connections to a number of the key players in the strange netherworld of international intelligence as it is linked to the JFK assassination.) 

As Lane points out: "The Novos were both convicted of the Letelier murder and sentenced to prison. These are the brothers that Marita Lorenz testified were in the two-car caravan of killers traveling from Miami to Dallas for the purpose of assassinating President Kennedy." 317 

MULTIPLE MOSSAD CONNECTIONS 

Evidence now available from former Mossad operative Victor Ostrovsky suggests that Israel's Mossad, in fact, was indirectly connected with the Letelier assassination for which the Novo brothers (implicated in the JFK assassination) were later convicted. 
(It was Ostrovsky, coincidentally enough, whom we learned in Chapter 2, had exposed a Mossad plot to assassinate the former director of the CIA, George Bush, after Bush, serving as U.S. President, ran afoul of Israel.) 

According to Ostrovsky, commenting on the Letelier murder: "Nobody pointed the finger at the Mossad. And while the Mossad had no direct involvement in the hit ordered by Chilean DINA [secret police] Chief Manuel Contreras Sepulveda, it had played a significant indirect role in the execution through a secret deal with Contreras to buy a French-made Exocet surface-to-surface naval missile from Chile. 

"The death squad didn't use Mossad personnel in killing Letelier but they certainly used Mossad know-how, taught to them as part of the deal Contreras made to supply the missile." 318 It was the Novo brothers, however, who took the fall and served time in prison. No Mossad agents, however, were charged with the crime. 

It is interesting to note, nonetheless, that Michael Townley himself had very interesting further connections with Israel. His wife, Ines, although a Chilean Christian, had spent time on an Israeli Kibbutz with her first husband, and maintained a long-standing "devotion to the cause of Israel." 319 

Part of Townley's deal with the federal prosecutors, in the case of the Novo brothers, involved a plea bargain in which his wife received immunity from prosecution, although she had been implicated in various terrorist enterprises alongside her husband. 320 

However, Townley's other connection with Israel is far more significant, particularly in the context of our discussion of his connection with the Cuban Americans who have been implicated in the JFK assassination. During Townley's long career as an international adventurer, he served—apparently during the period from 1961-1966—as a mutual funds salesman for financier Bernard Cornfeld's Investors' Overseas Service (J.O.S)321 

It was in Chapter 7 that we first came across the I.O.S, in examining the relationship of Meyer Lansky's Organized Crime Syndicate to the Israeli Mossad-linked Banque De Credit International (B.C.I). 

TIBOR ROSENBAUM'S PROTEGE 

During the criminal trial in 1970 of one of Lansky's Florida lieutenants, Alvin Malnik, it was publicly revealed that one of the key money laundering channels for the illegal proceeds of Lansky's narcotics, vice and gambling rackets was B.C.I, the brainchild of the Israeli Mossad's former Director-General for Finance and Supply, Tibor Rosenbaum. 

Rosenbaum's B.C.I received its Lansky Crime Syndicate cash flow mainly through the Lansky-controlled Bank of World Commerce in Nassau, Bahamas. The middleman was a young Swiss, Sylvain Ferdmann, a courier for Lansky. 

Ferdmann was not only an official of Rosenbaum's bank, and an associate of the Bank of World Commerce (controlled by Lansky's longtime crony, John Pullman) but—like Michael Townley himself—also a legman for Investors Overseas Services (I.O.S). 

Townley's employer, Cornfeld, in fact, was initially sponsored by Rosenbaum who had emerged as a major money launderer for Lansky's global drug trafficking. Millions in small bills were transferred from Lansky's casinos, often masked as Israeli Bond sales and contributions to Jewish philanthropies through B.C.I and the I.O.S. 

It is thus interesting, to say the least, that Michael Townley, with his Israeli Mossad connections during not only the period of the JFK assassination but also during his participation in the Letelier murder, should be associated with the Novo brothers who have been implicated in both crimes themselves. 

That former New York Senator James Buckley's office should have, perhaps by coincidence, served as the meeting place where the Letelier assassination was planned is also interesting. As we've noted already, E. Howard Hunt (himself implicated in the JFK assassination) and Buckley's brother, publisher (and Hunt's ex-CIA support staffer) William F. Buckley, Jr. were longtime friends stemming from their CIA days. 

Hunt's own longtime intrigue with the Cuban American community in anti-Castro activities as the CIA's chief liaison with the Cubans, of course, has long been widely noted. 

THE BUCKLEY-ISRAEL CONNECTION 

However, what is not so widely known is that the Buckley family— including brothers James and William—had substantive links to Israel through their various family oil enterprises. In 1971 the Washington Observer newsletter shed some interesting light on the Buckley family oil concessions in Israel, established by Buckley's father.

Buckley, Sr. incorporated Pan-Israel Oil Co (headquartered in Jerusalem) with Buckley, Sr. as president. Directors of the company included several Israelis. Simultaneously, Israel-Mediterranean Petroleum, Inc. was incorporated under the laws of Panama. The principal offices of the firm were in Jerusalem at the same address where Pan-Israel Oil Co. was located. James L. Buckley was one of the vice presidents. All of the voting stock for the two companies was held in the voting trust. No members of the Buckley family, however, held votes. The voting trustees had Jewish names. 

Pan-Israel and Israel-Mediterranean jointly owned eight petroleum licenses, all located in Israel. The two companies also owned Mana Oil Distributors and Tri-Continent Drilling Co., a subsidiary of the Pantepec Oil Company (later absorbed by Pantepec International Petroleum, Ltd.). 

President of PIP, Ltd. was John W. Buckley who, with his brother James L. Buckley, served on the board of directors. These companies, together conducted global operations with oil properties in Australia, South America, Canada, Libya, Spanish Sahara, the Philippines and Israel. 322 

That the Hunt- and CIA-linked Buckley family should also be so closely tied to the Novo brothers, implicated in both the JFK and Orlando Letelier assassinations is intriguing. 

More so, perhaps, because the Novo brothers' associate in the Letelier assassination—at least—was himself intimately tied to the Meyer Lansky Organized Crime Syndicate and an Israeli Mossad-sponsored money laundering operation. 

Incredibly enough, however, there is yet another bizarre Buckley family link to a key player in the strange world of JFK's alleged assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, and the JFK assassination conspiracy. 

THE BUCKLEY

DeMOHRENSCHILDT CONNECTION 

This link came in the person of the colorful Russian nobleman, George DeMohrenschildt, who befriended Oswald upon the young American's return from exile (some would say "CIA service") in the Soviet Union. DeMohrenschildt, who is reputed to have worked for various international intelligence agencies, had a long-standing relationship with the CIA, dating back to the days of the CIA's predecessor, the Office of Strategic Services (O.S.S), in which, incidentally, E. Howard Hunt himself had served. 323 

The European nobleman, however, traveled around the globe primarily in his capacity as an oil engineer. It was in this guise that he came into contact with the Buckley family. As early as 1945 DeMohrenschildt worked directly under Warren Smith, then the president of the Pantepec Oil Co., the Buckley family's Mexican oil company, established in 1914. DeMohrenschildt and Smith eventually formed the Cuban-Venezuelan Oil Trust Co. The Buckley Family's Pantepec, interestingly enough, had, by that time, already shifted its focus to Venezuela. 324

Despite all these more tenuous Buckley links, there is, however, firm evidence of a link between the Buckleys and DeMohrenschildt. It turns out that in DeMohrenschildt's address book is listed one "Buckley, W.F."325 

DeMOHRENSCHILDT AND HUNT 

DeMohrenschildt's career also seems to have intersected on a regular basis with that of William F. Buckley, Jr.'s friend and CIA mentor, E. Howard Hunt. Both Hunt and DeMohrenschildt had worked for the Agency for International Development (A.I.D); Hunt for the Economic Cooperation Administration (E.C.A), a subsidiary of A.I.D and DeMohrenschildt in the late 1950's for the International Cooperation Administration, the A.I.D subsidiary which was the successor to the E.C.A. 

Hunt and DeMohrenschildt also both popped up in Cuba in 1956 in the stormy period before Fidel Castro pushed the Meyer Lansky Organized Crime Syndicate off the island. While DeMohrenschildt said later that he was there on oil business, Hunt was attending a meeting of CIA station chiefs from the Caribbean and Central American regions. 

In 1960 both Hunt and DeMohrenschildt also appeared in Guatemala when troops were being trained there for what was ultimately to be the Bay of Pigs debacle, initially intended for the purpose of toppling Castro. DeMohrenschildt said that he and his wife were on a walking tour of Central America. Hunt, however, was serving as the CIA's liaison with anti-Castro Cuban groups. 326 

By 1963, however, DeMohrenschildt had settled in Dallas and had befriended Lee Harvey Oswald who by this time, was mixing easily with the anti-Castro Cuban elements that were directly under the thumb of the CIA's chief liaison with those forces—E. Howard Hunt. 

The role of DeMohrenschildt in the JFK assassination conspiracy will probably never be known. In the end, the globe-hopping nobleman died (ostensibly by his own hand) on the morning of March 29, 1977 just shortly before he was scheduled to meet with an investigator of the House Select Committee on Assassinations. DeMohrenschildt's wife believed her husband’s suicide had somehow been induced. 

Whatever the case, there is yet another bizarre coincidence, DeMohrenschildt had just met—before his death—with author Edward Jay Epstein. In Chapter 8, as we saw, it was Epstein who was the primary literary promoter of the theory that Lee Harvey Oswald was under Soviet influence when he assassinated John F. Kennedy. The primary source for Epstein's theory was Israel's CIA ally, James Jesus Angleton. 

THE CIA AND THE OAS 

It was during the same period of JFK' s war with the CIA that the CIA was actively engaged in an effort to topple French President Charles DeGaulle, lending aid and support to the Israeli-backed French Secret Army
Organization (OAS) that was fighting DeGaulle's decision to grant independence to Algeria. 

Although the Church Senate Committee hearings on clandestine CIA activities later concluded that there had been no CIA involvement with the O.A.S,327 there is very strong evidence to the contrary. 

General Maurice Challe, former commander in chief of French forces in Algeria and leader of the military revolt against DeGaulle in April of 1961, emerged as one of the key figures in the O.A.S. Although Challe insisted that he "'had no contact personally with any foreign countries' and that in fact he had deliberately avoided all such contacts so as not to incur any possible charge of having been brought in on foreign bayonets." 

"Nevertheless," according to historian Alistair Horne, "some of [Challe's] subordinates appear to have made informal, and highly tentative, soundings with representatives of various countries that might be considered sympathetic, among them Portugal, Spain, Israel and South Africa."328 

"Rumors of clandestine United States involvement ran extremely strong in France. Undeniably, during his time at NATO headquarters the popular Challe did make firm friends of a number of high-ranking United States generals who made no secret of their aversion to what DeGaulle was doing to NATO, going so far—over a plethora of Scotch—as to express enthusiasm for anyone who might rid France of her turbulent president, or, at least, force him to change his tune."329 

"There were also rumors that the CIA had promised Challe United States recognition if they succeeded—in order to keep the communists out of North Africa. Any hopes, however, that all this may have engendered in the bosom of the conspiracy were to be swiftly dashed when [John F. Kennedy's] Ambassador to Paris, General James M. Gavin, firmly assured DeGaulle that if any rebels attempted to land on French bases where there were American troops, these would at once open fire." 330 

There is further evidence that the CIA was engaged in intrigue with the OAS. According to historian Alexander Harrison, "In early December 1961, a 'Colonel Brown' of the CIA station in France requested a meeting with [OAS leader General Raoul] Salan. Brown offered Salan enough weaponry to equip an army of 50,000 men."331 

Although some have speculated that the purported CIA operatives were not, in fact, really with the CIA, General Salan himself said, "I was sure they were serious, because they knew all the right people, and their credentials were perfect." In fact, in the end, some arms were indeed delivered.332 So there really is no question, really, that the CIA was indeed covertly supporting the OAS in its war against DeGaulle. 

We do know that during this same time frame, the CIA did have one liaison, at least, to the OAS. He was E. Howard Hunt, the agency's political handler for the anti-Castro Cuban exiles. 

In Chapter 15 and Chapter 16 we will examine Hunt's OAS connections further, particularly as they relate to the key players involved in the JFK assassination conspiracy.

THE OAS AND 'ISRAEL'S 

FRIENDS IN FRANCE' 

One of the few American conservatives to recognize the strange dynamics between DeGaulle and the CIA was Dan Smoot, who commented perceptively as early as 1958 that: "In the current liberal-internationalist smear of DeGaulle, the lefties hammer that DeGaulle is anti-American; but they never tell why."333 He pointed out that DeGaulle was angry about CIA support for the anti-DeGaulle left in France, and commented that largely DeGaulle was more, instead "anti-CIA, which is something else again." 334 He added, "The New York Times was almost hysterical about DeGaulle coming to power—You can understand why."335 

In fact, during this time of CIA intrigue against DeGaulle, it is worth noting that the aforementioned OAS leaders—Salan and Challe—among many others "were known as Israel's friends in France,"336 according to Israeli historian Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi. 

Ultimately, Israel rewarded Challe for his efforts. After Challe was released from prison in 1967, having been convicted of his involvement in attempting to topple DeGaulle, Challe was hired by Zim, the Israeli shipping concern, 337 part of the international corporate empire of one of the Mossad's most valued assets, billionaire Shaul Eisenberg, whose enterprises were an integral part of the economy of the state of Israel itself. 

We first met Eisenberg in Chapter 7 where we learned of his partnership, along with Mossad officer Tibor Rosenbaum, in the SwissIsrael Trade Bank. But we will learn much more about Eisenberg and his ventures on behalf of Israel's drive for a nuclear arsenal later in these pages. More importantly, however, we will see how Eisenberg's activities tie directly into the JFK assassination—a story that has never been told before. 

That Israel and its allies in the CIA would be conspiring against Charles DeGaulle during the same period when they were likewise conspiring against John F. Kennedy, as we shall see, is quite significant indeed. 

THREE POWERFUL FORCES 

All of these connections illustrate the cycle which continually links key players in the international intrigue between not only the CIA and the Israeli Mossad, but also the Meyer Lansky Organized Crime Syndicate—three powerful forces all of which desired the removal of John F. Kennedy from the White House.

next
Little Man's Little Man: 
Meyer Lansky & Carlos Marcello

notes
Chapter Eight Thick as Thieves 
258 Andrew Cockburn and Leslie Cockburn. Dangerous Liaison: The Inside Story of the U.S.-Israeli Covert Relationship. (New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 1991), p. 16. 
259 Ibid. 
260 Tom Mangold. Cold Warrier—James Jesus Angleton: The CIA's Master Spy Hunter. (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991), p. 307. 
261 Ibid., p. 52. 
262 Peter Dale Scott. Deep Politics and the Death of JFK. (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1993), p. 54. 
263 Cockburn, p. 42. 
264 Ibid., pp. 42-43. 
265 Ibid., p. 43. 
266 Mangold, p. 362. 267 Ibid. 
268 Steven Stewart. The Spymasters of Israel. (New York: Ballantine Books, 1980, p. 119. 
269 Wilbur Crane Eveland. Ropes of Sand: America's Failure in the Middle East. (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1980), p. 95. 
270 Wolf Blitzer. Between Washington and Jerusalem. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 96. 
271 Ibid. 
272 Cockburn, p. 69. 
273 Ibid. 
274 Peter Dale Scott. Deep Politics and the Death of JFK. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), p. 173. Citing David Martin. Wilderness of Mirrors. (New York: Harper & Row, 1980), see pp. 120-124 in particular. 
275 Richard Deacon. The Israeli Secret Service. (New York: Taplinger Publishing Co., Inc., 1978), pp. 170-171. 
276 Ibid., p. 171. 
277 Ibid. 
278 Wolf Blitzer. Between Washington and Jerusalem. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 89. 
279 Ibid. 
280 Seymour Hersh. The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy (New York: Random House, 1991), p. 144. 
281 Cockburn, p. 80. 282 Ibid. 
283 Stephen Green. Taking Sides: America's Secret Relations With a Militant Israel. (New York: William Morrow & Company, 1984), p. 164. 
284 Cockburn, p. 147. 
285 Cockburn, pp. 42-43. 
286 Deacon, p. 35. 
287 Cockburn, p. 42. 
288 Mangold, p. 314-315. 
289 Robert I. Friedman. The False Prophet: Rabbi Meir Kahane—From FBI Informant to Knesset Member. (New York: Lawrence Hill Books, 1990), pp. 34-35. 
290 Alfred W. McCoy. The Politics of Heroin. (Brooklyn, New York: Lawrence Hill Books, 1991), p. 25. 
291 Alfred W. McCoy. The Politics of Heroin. (Brooklyn, New York: Lawrence Hill Books, 1991), p. 58. 
292 Peter Dale Scott. Deep Politics and the Death of JFK. (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1993), p. 196. 
293 Newsday report published in the Baltimore Sun, October 6, 1996. 
294 Ibid. 
295 Ibid. 
296 Ibid. 
297 Ibid. 
298 Carl Oglesby. The JFK Assassination: The Facts and the Theories. (New York: Signet Books, 1992), p. 145. 
299 Ibid., 149. 
300 Peter Dale Scott. Deep Politics and the Death of JFK. (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1993), p. 55. 
301 The New York Times, December 24, 1974. 

Chapter Nine A Little Unpleasantness 
302 Washington Observer, April 15, 1972. 
303 Sam Giancana and Chuck Giancana. Double Cross: The Explosive Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America. (New York: Warner Books, 1992), p. 301. 
304 Mark Lane. Plausible Denial. (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1992), p.93. 
305 Ibid., pp. 99-100. 
306 Ibid., p. 100. 
307 The Spotlight, February 17, 1992. 
308 Ibid. 
309 Ibid. 
310 L. Fletcher Prouty. The Secret Team: The CIA and its Allies in Control of the United States and the World. (Costa Mesa, Calif.: Institute for Historical Review, 1990), p. 416. [468] Final Judgment 565 
311 Lane, pp. 107-108. 
312 Ibid. 
313 Anthony Summers. Conspiracy. (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1980), p. 193. 
314 The Spotlight, October 28, 1991. 315 The Spotlight, February 17, 1992. 
316 Ibid. 
317 Ibid. 
318 Victor Ostrovsky and Claire Hoy. By Way of Deception: The Making and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer. (New York: St. Martin's press, 1990), pp. 217-218. 
319 John Dinges and Saul Landau. Assassination on Embassy Row. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980), pp. 98-99. 
320 Ibid., p. 396. 
321 Ibid., pp. 96-97. 
322 Washington Observer, November 1, 1971. 
323 Jim Marrs. Crossfire: The Plot That Killed Kennedy. (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, Inc., 1989), p. 200. 
324 Michael Canfield and Alan J. Weberman. Coup d'etat in America: The CIA and the Assassination of John F. Kennedy. (New York: The Third Press, 1975), p. 29. 
325 John Loftus and Mark Aarons. The Secret War Against the Jews. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994), p. 599. 
326 Ibid., pp. 29-30. 
327 Alistair Horne. A Savage War of Peace. (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1977), p. 498. 
328 Ibid., p. 445. 
329 Ibid., pp. 445-446. 
330 Ibid., p. 447. 
331 Alexander Harrison. Challenging DeGaulle: The OAS and the Counterrevolution in Algeria. (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1989), p. 70. 
332 Alistair Horne. A Savage War of Peace. (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1977), p. 498. 
333 Dan Smoot. "DeGaulle and the CIA." The American Mercury. October 1958. 
334 Ibid. 
335 Ibid. 
336 Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi. The Israeli Connection—Who Israel Arms and Why. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1987), p. 220. 
337 Ibid.