Michael Collins Piper
APPENDIX ONE
Where Was George
Where Was George?
George Bush, the CIA, and the Kennedy Assassination
Did GHWB Have a Hand in the Murder of JFK?
When Sen. Edward M. Kennedy cynically asked "Where
was George?" during a fiery address to the 1988 Democratic
National Convention, was the senator hinting, perhaps, that
he knew something that we didn't know? Was Kennedy
really asking "Where was George Herbert Walker Bush on
November 22, 1963?"
Newly-emerging evidence strongly suggests not only that
George Bush has been a CIA asset for most of his adult life—
since his college days in fact—but that he also has had
unusually intimate ties to the circumstances surrounding the
JFK assassination and the subsequent high-level cover-up.
Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion and President John F. Kennedy (together at left) became embroiled in a bitter conflict over Israel’s determination to assemble a nuclear arsenal. The conflict led to Ben-Gurion’s abrupt resignation in June of 1963 and set the stage for a role by Israel’s intelligence agency in JFK’s assassination. The same forces linked to the web of intrigue against JFK were also involved in Israeli-sponsored plots against French President Charles DeGaulle (at right with Ben-Gurion) who infuriated Israel by giving independence to Arab Algeria and by reversing French support for Israel’s nuclear program.
In his best-selling Plausible Denial, author Mark Lane did a great service to the American public when he re-published, as appendices, two important articles that appeared in The Nation magazine, but which received little national notice outside the elite circles who read that journal.
As a consequence, hundreds of thousands of Americans learned something that they might not otherwise know: the evidence strongly suggests that George Herbert Walker Bush was an active CIA operative on November 23, 1963.
The Nation articles, written by Richard McBride (published in the July
16/23 and August 13/20, 1988 issues) took note of a declassified FBI
memorandum dated November 29, 1963. The memorandum, from FBI
Director J. Edgar Hoover, was addressed to the Director of the Bureau of
Intelligence and Research at the Department of State. The subject was
"Assassination of President John F. Kennedy — November 22, 1963." The
memo read as follows:
Our Miami, Florida , Office on November 23 , 1963
advised that the office of Coordinator of Cuban Affairs in
Miami advised that the Department of State feels some
misguided anti-Castro group might capitalize on the present
situation and undertake an unauthorized raid against Cuba,
believing that the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy might herald a change in U.S. policy, which is not
true.
Our sources and informants familiar with Cuban matters
in the Miami area advise that the general feeling in the anti-Castro Cuban community is one of stunned disbelief and,
even among those who did not entirely agree with the
President's policy concerning Cuba, the feeling is that the
President's death represents a great loss not only to the U.S. but to all of Latin America. These sources know of no plans
for unauthorized action against Cuba.
An informant who has furnished reliable information in
the past and who is close to a small pro-Castro group in
Miami has advised that these individuals are afraid that the
assassination of the President may result in strong repressive
measures being taken against them and, although pro-Castro
in their feelings, regret the assassination.
The substance of the foregoing information was orally
furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence
Agency and Captain William Edwards of the Defense
Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by Mr. W. T.
Forsyth of this Bureau. 787
Copies of Mr. Hoover's memorandum were circulated to a number of
individuals including, among others, the director of the CIA (John McCone)
and marked to the attention of "Deputy Director, Plans." (This was Richard
Helms).
Needless to say, the existence of this memorandum presented a problem
for George Bush who had claimed to have had no prior service with the CIA
prior to his appointment as director of the agency in 1976. However, Bush's
spokesmen suggested that there must have been another "George Bush"
working for the CIA at the time in question and that it was he who was
referenced in the controversial Hoover memorandum.
Richard McBride, the author of the Nation articles, did some checking,
only to find out that there was indeed a George William Bush who had
worked for the CIA at the time—and for a very short time—and only as a
low-level researcher and analyst. George William Bush told McBride that he
was never part of any inter-agency briefing and knew neither of the other
people referred to in the memorandum. In short, this George Bush was not
the George Bush in the memorandum.788
INITIATION
So where was George Herbert Walker Bush on November 23, 1963?
Evidently working, as he had been for some time, as an operative for the
Central Intelligence Agency. New research suggests that Bush was with the
CIA as long ago as his college days at Yale.
Anthony Kimery, an investigative reporter who has been researching
George Bush's relationship with the CIA, notes that: "The CIA's full-time
salaried headhunter at Yale was crew coach Allen 'Skip' Waltz, a former
naval intelligence officer who had a good view of Bush. As a member of
Yale's Undergraduate Athletic Association and Undergraduate Board of
Deacons, Bush had to have worked closely with Waltz on the university's
athletic programs from which the coach picked most of the men he steered
to the CIA. It is inconceivable Waltz didn't try to recruit Bush, say former
Agency officials recruited at Yale." 789
It was while a student at Yale, of course, that Bush was a member of the
secret Skull and Bones fraternity which has been well-known as a CIA
recruiting ground for many years.
(One of Bush's fellow "Bonesmen" is Yale man, William F. Buckley, Jr.,
himself a former CIA man whose own peculiar links to key players in the
JFK assassination conspiracy were examined in Chapter 9.)
GEORGE'S FIRST CIA JOB?
What's more, it was another Bonesman, Henry Neil Mallon, longtime
chairman of the board of Dresser Industries, based in Houston, who gave
Bush his first job in the oil business. Mallon, a classmate and close family
friend of Bush's father, Senator Prescott Bush, set young Bush up as a
salesman for International Derrick and Equipment Company (IDECO), a
subsidiary of Dresser.
However, as Anthony Kimery comments, "Bush's job, peddling
IDECO's services, including behind the Iron Curtain, was a curious
responsibility, considering Bush's inexperience in either the oil industry or
international relations." 790 All of this, together, of course, suggests that
Bush, in fact, was operating as a CIA asset under the cover of Dresser
Industries, which, according to Kimery's sources, "routinely served as a CIA
cover." 791
369s
THE TWO GEORGES
It was Henry Mallon who apparently introduced Bush to an
international petroleum engineer who later emerged as one of the genuine
"mystery men" in the JFK assassination: Lee Harvey Oswald's friend—and
suspected "CIA handler"—George DeMohrenschildt whose CIA connections
we examined in Chapter 9.
The two Georges became so well acquainted, in fact, that DeMohrenschildt's address book not only included Bush's home address and telephone number in Midland, Texas where Bush lived from 1953 until 1959, but also the oilman's youthful nickname, "Poppy." Kimery says that his sources contend that Bush and DeMohrenschildt continued to meet secretly in Houston after Bush had left Midland to set up the Houston office of his Zapata Off-Shore Oil Company.
(Kimery points out that in his testimony to the Warren Commission DeMohrenschildt admitted that he made frequent trips to Houston beginning in the late 1950's but that he gave vague explanations as to the purpose of the trips.)
Kimery's research suggests that the Bush-DeMohrenschildt relationship stemmed from not only their mutual interests in the oil business, but also from their mutual background in intelligence work.
According to Kimery, DeMohrenschildt was part of a spy network OSS man (and later CIA Director) Allen Dulles ran inside the Nazi intelligence community and later began working for the CIA "operating under the guise of a consulting petroleum geologist specializing in making deals between U.S. oil companies and the East-bloc nations to which [DeMohrenschildt] was remarkably well-connected."792
As a consequence, then, it is thus not surprising that CIA asset George Bush, working in the Eastern bloc in the oil business and CIA asset George DeMohrenschildt, working in the Eastern bloc in the oil business, would have ultimately come together. According to former CIA official Victor Marchetti (who specialized in Soviet affairs for the CIA), "It's inconceivable that the CIA didn't debrief Bush after each and every meeting [Bush had with East bloc representatives]. "Businessmen with dealings like [Bush had] were routinely debriefed."793
All of these dealings between Bush and DeMohrenschildt would appear to be innocent behind-the-scenes intrigue between two spies named George if it weren't for the fact that the more one traces Bush's connections, the more one finds that the CIA man is enmeshed all the more deeply in the circumstances surrounding the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
Kimery contends that he has several sources who contend, independently, that Bush was indeed deeply involved in CIA operations, particularly in the Caribbean and in the campaign against Castro. This seems to jibe with information provided by Col. Fletcher Prouty who points out that not only was the CIA's top-secret code name for the Bay of Pigs invasion "Operation Zapata" (as in Bush's company) but that two of the ships utilized in the operation were christened the Houston (Bush's home base) and the Barbara (Bush's wife's name). 795
Bush's connections to the CIA's operations against Castro go even deeper, however. According to Kimery, "There is evidence that prior to Bush's appointment as DCI in 1976, he was well-acquainted with legendary spook Theodore George "Ted" Shackley who joined the Agency in 1951. When Bush arrived on the scene at Langley, it was clear to longtime Agency insiders that there was a bond between these two men that went back many years. " 796
This, of course, is the same Theodore Shackley whom we first met in Chapter 8 as a friend of Israel's secret nuclear development program. It was Shackley who served as CIA Station Chief in Miami, then the largest CIA station in the world, and the base of the CIA's operations against Castro being jointly conducted with Meyer Lansky's syndicate henchmen.
(It is worth noting, if only in passing, that the Israeli Mossad itself maintains one of its largest North American bases in Miami—the longtime headquarters of its organized crime collaborator—Meyer Lansky.) 797
It was from the CIA's base in Miami, we learned from former CIA operative Marita Lorenz (in Chapter 9 and in Chapter 16) that a two-car caravan carrying anti-Castro Cubans and several CIA figures was dispatched to Dallas, arriving just prior to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
Kimery quotes a former CIA operative who was involved in the anti-Castro operations: "You've got ole George baby helping the Company's operation against Castro and here's Shackley in charge of the Miami station that's running that show. Now how do you think they know each other my friend? Their's was a damn close relationship—still is." 798
And, as we noted in Chapter 12, it was Shackley, again, who was the CIA's chief of station for the CIA in Laos during the Vietnam War—this during a period when the CIA and the Lansky syndicate were jointly engaged in lucrative drug-running operations.
Kimery points out that, "In 1976, shortly after he became DCI, without seeking advice, Bush promoted Shackley to Associate Deputy Director of Operations. In this position, he was second in command to the [Deputy Director of Operations]—the third most powerful position in the CIA and one of the most pivotal in the entire government." 799
Bush himself, however, was also developing intimate ties with Israel, ties which, of course, had been cemented during his service as CIA director. In 1979, then Republican presidential candidate Bush attended the Jerusalem Conference on International Terrorism, an event hosted by the Israeli government and attended by most of Israel's top intelligence officials. The delegates to the conference from the United States were all tried-and-true friends of Israel, Democrat and Republican alike.800
Accompanying Bush were Major General George Keegan, former chief of intelligence for the U.S. Air Force, and Harvard Professor Richard Pipes. Keegan and Pipes were part of an elite group formed by Bush while serving as CIA director that operated under the name "Team B." 801
Bush's Team B was a new, secret supervisory body for the CIA empowered to re-evaluate, criticize or dismiss the CIA's intelligence reports. Significantly, however, Team B was composed of a clique of high-level officials who were bound together primarily by their devotion to advancing Israel's interests.
Among the more notable members included Richard Perle, who ultimately became assistant secretary of defense in charge of international security policy and Perle's longtime associate, Stephen Bryen, a former Senate staff member who was forced to resign his post after it was discovered that he had passed U.S. defense secrets to Israel's Mossad. 802
That Bush should have been affiliated so closely with this select group of devotees of Israel is intriguing, particularly in light of Bush's subsequent conflicts with Israel's Mossad, which we first examined in Chapter 2.
The two Georges became so well acquainted, in fact, that DeMohrenschildt's address book not only included Bush's home address and telephone number in Midland, Texas where Bush lived from 1953 until 1959, but also the oilman's youthful nickname, "Poppy." Kimery says that his sources contend that Bush and DeMohrenschildt continued to meet secretly in Houston after Bush had left Midland to set up the Houston office of his Zapata Off-Shore Oil Company.
(Kimery points out that in his testimony to the Warren Commission DeMohrenschildt admitted that he made frequent trips to Houston beginning in the late 1950's but that he gave vague explanations as to the purpose of the trips.)
Kimery's research suggests that the Bush-DeMohrenschildt relationship stemmed from not only their mutual interests in the oil business, but also from their mutual background in intelligence work.
According to Kimery, DeMohrenschildt was part of a spy network OSS man (and later CIA Director) Allen Dulles ran inside the Nazi intelligence community and later began working for the CIA "operating under the guise of a consulting petroleum geologist specializing in making deals between U.S. oil companies and the East-bloc nations to which [DeMohrenschildt] was remarkably well-connected."792
As a consequence, then, it is thus not surprising that CIA asset George Bush, working in the Eastern bloc in the oil business and CIA asset George DeMohrenschildt, working in the Eastern bloc in the oil business, would have ultimately come together. According to former CIA official Victor Marchetti (who specialized in Soviet affairs for the CIA), "It's inconceivable that the CIA didn't debrief Bush after each and every meeting [Bush had with East bloc representatives]. "Businessmen with dealings like [Bush had] were routinely debriefed."793
All of these dealings between Bush and DeMohrenschildt would appear to be innocent behind-the-scenes intrigue between two spies named George if it weren't for the fact that the more one traces Bush's connections, the more one finds that the CIA man is enmeshed all the more deeply in the circumstances surrounding the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
THE ANTI-CASTRO OPERATIONS
For instance, the evidence strongly suggests that Bush, in fact, was a
major player in the CIA's drive to destroy Fidel Castro. According to
Anthony Kimery, "Veteran CIA operatives in the war against Castro say
Bush not only let the CIA use Zapata as a front for running some of its
operations (including the use of several offshore drilling platforms), but
assert that Bush personally served as a conduit through which the Agency
disbursed money for contracted services."794 Kimery contends that he has several sources who contend, independently, that Bush was indeed deeply involved in CIA operations, particularly in the Caribbean and in the campaign against Castro. This seems to jibe with information provided by Col. Fletcher Prouty who points out that not only was the CIA's top-secret code name for the Bay of Pigs invasion "Operation Zapata" (as in Bush's company) but that two of the ships utilized in the operation were christened the Houston (Bush's home base) and the Barbara (Bush's wife's name). 795
Bush's connections to the CIA's operations against Castro go even deeper, however. According to Kimery, "There is evidence that prior to Bush's appointment as DCI in 1976, he was well-acquainted with legendary spook Theodore George "Ted" Shackley who joined the Agency in 1951. When Bush arrived on the scene at Langley, it was clear to longtime Agency insiders that there was a bond between these two men that went back many years. " 796
This, of course, is the same Theodore Shackley whom we first met in Chapter 8 as a friend of Israel's secret nuclear development program. It was Shackley who served as CIA Station Chief in Miami, then the largest CIA station in the world, and the base of the CIA's operations against Castro being jointly conducted with Meyer Lansky's syndicate henchmen.
(It is worth noting, if only in passing, that the Israeli Mossad itself maintains one of its largest North American bases in Miami—the longtime headquarters of its organized crime collaborator—Meyer Lansky.) 797
It was from the CIA's base in Miami, we learned from former CIA operative Marita Lorenz (in Chapter 9 and in Chapter 16) that a two-car caravan carrying anti-Castro Cubans and several CIA figures was dispatched to Dallas, arriving just prior to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
Kimery quotes a former CIA operative who was involved in the anti-Castro operations: "You've got ole George baby helping the Company's operation against Castro and here's Shackley in charge of the Miami station that's running that show. Now how do you think they know each other my friend? Their's was a damn close relationship—still is." 798
And, as we noted in Chapter 12, it was Shackley, again, who was the CIA's chief of station for the CIA in Laos during the Vietnam War—this during a period when the CIA and the Lansky syndicate were jointly engaged in lucrative drug-running operations.
Kimery points out that, "In 1976, shortly after he became DCI, without seeking advice, Bush promoted Shackley to Associate Deputy Director of Operations. In this position, he was second in command to the [Deputy Director of Operations]—the third most powerful position in the CIA and one of the most pivotal in the entire government." 799
THE MOSSAD CONNECTION
After leaving the CIA, as we noted in Chapter 12, Bush's friend
Shackley later went into the international arms business and worked closely
with the Aviation Trade and Service Company, a creation of Israeli Mossad
figure Shaul Eisenberg. Bush himself, however, was also developing intimate ties with Israel, ties which, of course, had been cemented during his service as CIA director. In 1979, then Republican presidential candidate Bush attended the Jerusalem Conference on International Terrorism, an event hosted by the Israeli government and attended by most of Israel's top intelligence officials. The delegates to the conference from the United States were all tried-and-true friends of Israel, Democrat and Republican alike.800
Accompanying Bush were Major General George Keegan, former chief of intelligence for the U.S. Air Force, and Harvard Professor Richard Pipes. Keegan and Pipes were part of an elite group formed by Bush while serving as CIA director that operated under the name "Team B." 801
Bush's Team B was a new, secret supervisory body for the CIA empowered to re-evaluate, criticize or dismiss the CIA's intelligence reports. Significantly, however, Team B was composed of a clique of high-level officials who were bound together primarily by their devotion to advancing Israel's interests.
Among the more notable members included Richard Perle, who ultimately became assistant secretary of defense in charge of international security policy and Perle's longtime associate, Stephen Bryen, a former Senate staff member who was forced to resign his post after it was discovered that he had passed U.S. defense secrets to Israel's Mossad. 802
That Bush should have been affiliated so closely with this select group of devotees of Israel is intriguing, particularly in light of Bush's subsequent conflicts with Israel's Mossad, which we first examined in Chapter 2.
THE COVER-UP
For his own part, it was while Bush served as CIA Director that the
Senate Intelligence Committee was probing the connections between Jack
Ruby, Lee Harvey Oswald, the CIA, organized crime and the anti-Castro
operations conducted by the CIA and its mob collaborators. As Anthony
Kimery comments: "With his own ties to those operations, Bush was now
in charge of what the CIA would and wouldn't divulge." "As DCI [Bush] frustrated committee investigator's requests for specific information in the Agency's files on Oswald and Ruby and downplayed revelations about CIA involvement. Memoranda written by Bush on the intelligence committee's investigation of Oswald's and Ruby's links to the CIA and organized crime show he was especially interested in the committee's probing not only of what the CIA knew about the events in Dallas and didn't report to the Warren Commission, but to what extent, if any, the Agency was complicit in Kennedy's murder." 803
Kimery quotes an ex-CIA contract agent and Bay of Pigs veteran who claims to have been associated with Bush in the CIA's anti-Castro operations in the early 1960's: "Bush was worried about something during those investigations when he was DCI, all right. He was worried it was going to be found out that he worked for the Company and was tied right into all the messes the CIA was in during the late 50s and early 60s."804
David Robb, writing in Spy magazine points out that although Bush was asked in January of 1992 whether or not he had looked into the JFK assassination during the time he was CIA director that Bush said, "No, I didn't have any curiosity . . ."805 However, Robb has pinpointed a September 15, 1976 memo to the Deputy Director for Central Intelligence which reads as follows:
"A recent Jack Anderson story referred to a November 1963 (?) CIA cable, the subject matter of which had some UK journalist observing Jack Ruby visiting [Santo] Trafficante in jail. Is there such a cable? If so I would like to see it. This is the same cable that Mike Hadigan, Minority Counsel for the SSC [Senate Select Committee] had asked for." 806
372s
The memo was signed "GB" above the typewritten name "George Bush." Clearly, George Bush was just a bit more curious about the inquiries into the JFK assassination than he would have us believe. A
THREAT AGAINST JFK?
And, curiously enough, there is this interesting tidbit unearthed by Spy
magazine suggesting that Bush had an inordinate interest in John F.
Kennedy's welfare. According to Spy: "Internal FBI memos indicate that on
November 22, 1963, 'reputable businessman' George H. W. Bush
`telephonically advised that he wanted to relate some hearsay that he had
heard in recent weeks, date and source unknown. He advised that one James
Parrott has been talking of killing the president when he comes to
Houston." 807 Parrott was a 24-year-old Young Republican who regularly picketed Kennedy administration officials when they came to Houston. The FBI also learned that the Secret Service had been told—in 1961—that Parrott had said he "would kill President Kennedy if he ever got near him." Parrott denies the charges. Spy asks—not entirely satirically—"Was Bush just being a misguided do-good weenie? Or was he trying to throw the FBI off the trail?" 808
ISRAEL AGAIN . . .
It was after George Bush left the CIA in 1977 that he continued to
maintain close ties with business interests which had, in turn, intimate ties
to Israel and its lobby in this country. Returning home to Houston, Bush was named to serve as executive committee chairman of the First International Bank of Houston, the family owned enterprise of the heirs of Texas billionaire H. L. Hunt.
The Hunts were owners of a 15% controlling interest in Gulf Resources and Chemical Corporation, a Houston based company which controlled half the world's supply of lithium, which is an essential component in the production of hydrogen bombs.
Among the board members of Gulf Resources was George A. Butler, chairman of Houston's Post Oak Bank, controlled by one W. S. Farish, III, often described as one of Bush's closest confidants.
Gulf Resources had taken over the Lithium Corporation of America as a wholly-owned subsidiary some years previously. Among the directors of both Gulf Resources and the Lithium Corporation was John Roger Menke, who was also a director of Israel's Hebrew Technical Institute.
All of this is significant in that it was during this period that Israel was continuing in its secret development of nuclear weaponry, the most monumental issue of conflict between John F. Kennedy and Israeli prime minister David Ben-Gurion, discussed in detail in Chapter 5. 809
THE ADL AGAIN
Perhaps, then, it is no surprise that Robert Allen, the chairman of Gulf Resources—a non-Jew not known as a contributor to Jewish causes—received the so-called "Torch of Liberty" award from the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B'nai B'rith, the self-styled "civil rights" organization that functions as an American intelligence arm for Israel's Mossad.
(It was in Chapter 8 that we first met another Torch of Liberty recipient, gangster Morris Dalitz, a longtime top-level associate of Meyer Lansky and an investor in the shadowy Permindex corporation which, as we saw in Chapter 15, played the central role in the JFK assassination conspiracy. )
It is also probably worth pointing out that another director of both Gulf Resources and Lithium Corp. was Samuel H. Rogers who was, in turn a director of industrialist Dwayne Andreas' Archer Daniel Midland Corp.810
The aforementioned Andreas, it just so happens, has been a major financial backer of the ADL for many years and has been a close associate of two major national ADL officials, Burton Joseph, ADL national chairman from 1976-1978 and Max M. Kampelman, a national ADL honorary vice chairman.811
All of this taken together places George Bush in the center of a wide ranging network of international corporate bodies with long-standing ties to Israel and its major backers—including one corporation with a particular interest in the development of nuclear weaponry.
The Hunt connection, which brings the complex series of interrelationships full circle, is also interesting, inasmuch as, for years, JFK assassination researchers, have tried, albeit unsuccessfully, to pinpoint the late H. L. Hunt as the mastermind behind the JFK assassination, presumably driven by his hard-line conservative opposition to Kennedy's progressive domestic and foreign policy stands.
What those who have been pointing the finger at Hunt have failed to do, however, is to trace Hunt's connection back to the Gulf Resources Corp. with its own intimate links to Israel.
These facts do not prove or disprove a role by either H. L. Hunt or George Bush—together or alone—in the JFK assassination conspiracy. However, they do pinpoint the strange—and little-noticed—role played by Israel and its high-level backers in the ever-converging circles surrounding the JFK assassination conspiracy. For the record they need to be noted.
WHERE WAS GEORGE?
In any case, Bush's closest associates during his CIA years, as we have
seen, and his activities, have all repeatedly bound Bush to circumstances
which tie together the CIA and the Meyer Lansky Organized Crime
Syndicate in joint ventures not only in the Castro assassination plots of the
early 1960's, but the joint CIA-Lansky drug-running operations in
Southeast Asia. Bush's own ties to the Israeli lobby thus cement the circle. The evidence we have reviewed here suggests that perhaps George Bush does indeed know more about the assassination of John F. Kennedy than he might be willing to admit. Whether Bush will ever tell what he knows is another matter entirely.
APPENDIX TWO
The Man From the Klan
Lee Harvey Oswald's "Nazi" Connection
The Alleged Assassin's Little-Known Ties to Undercover
Intelligence Operatives in the Neo-Nazi Underground
Among those whose names appeared in Lee Harvey Oswald's address book was one Daniel Burros. In 1963, Burros was national secretary of George Lincoln Rockwell's American Nazi Party. Just two years after the JFK assassination, Burros died mysteriously of multiple gunshot wounds. However, despite the strange circumstances of Burros' demise, it was ruled a suicide. Burros' bizarre death took place in the home of his close associate, the ubiquitous and enigmatic Roy Frankhauser, a long-time federal intelligence undercover operative in the Minutemen, the Ku Klux Klan and the Communist Party USA. Frankhauser, it just so happens, claims to have been associated with Lee Harvey Oswald prior to the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
The story of Lee Harvey Oswald's possible connection to Daniel Burros has never been explored in any other work on the JFK assassination. Yet, the evidence, as we shall see, suggests that there is much more to the Oswald-Burros connection than meets the eye.
Although JFK assassination researchers have long been busy compiling, recompiling, editing and re-editing lists of "mysterious deaths" among people with links—both real and perhaps sometimes imagined—to the JFK assassination, Burros' name never pops up.
The circumstances of Dan Burros' death were quite bizarre. Just one day before the "Nazi" leader died in October of 1965, he had been publicly exposed in the New York Times as having been born to Jewish parents. This expose was the ostensible trigger that led to Burro's "suicide" at the Reading, Pennsylvania home of his fellow "Nazi," Roy Frankhauser.
Although Burro's death was trumpeted in the media as the story of a nice Jewish boy gone haywire, the fact is that some members of the American Nazi underground have long felt that Burros was not a Jewish apostate, but, instead, an active informant and agent provocateur of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B'nai B'rith operating within the ranks of the so-called "racist right."
In his short career in the political underworld, Dan Burros is known to have indeed been closely associated with ADL undercover informants and was perhaps such an informant himself, although it is unlikely that the full truth will ever be known.
What is known, however, is that Burros was a key figure in the New York City-based National Renaissance Party, a small neo-Nazi entity founded by the late James H. Madole. Although Madole was apparently a dyed-in-the-wool Nazi, it is an established fact that his organization was infiltrated, funded in part and manipulated by agents of the ADL's undercover spy apparatus.
The ADL's operative inside the NRP was one Emmanuel Trujillo who also went by the name Mana Truhill. In turn, Truhill worked closely with Sanford Griffith, then the ADL's chief spymaster.
Two "right wing" activists of the 1950s era—author Eustace Mullins and businessman DeWest Hooker (referenced in Chapter 4)—have confirmed to this author that the ADL was indeed active in "infiltrating" rightist groups at the time and that the aforementioned Griffith was a familiar figure moving in and out of the right-wing orbit during the period.
During the heyday of Madole's ADL-manipulated organization well known maverick New York publisher Lyle Stuart publicly accused the ADL of financing American Nazi groups—such as Madole's outfit—for its own insidious ends. That Daniel Burros was himself deeply a part of this unusual circle being manipulated by the ADL is an intriguing fact. But there's much more to the story of the Oswald-Burros connection.
Some JFK assassination researchers have focused on New Orleans private detective and CIA contract agent Guy Banister's ties to Robert DePugh and the paramilitary group known as the Minutemen as proof that "right wing extremists" were perhaps behind the JFK assassination. As we noted in some detail in Chapter 15, however, there is strong evidence to suggest that Banister was also being deployed by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B'nai B'rith in its own "fact-finding" operations aimed against left-leaning civil rights groups.
John George and Laird Wilcox, in Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe, have provided us with a wealth of information about Frankhauser's operations inside the Minutemen in particular. Here's what George and Wilcox wrote about the government's infiltration of the Minutemen and the role of the Roy Frankhauser. The extended direct quotation from George and Wilcox follows:
"The Minutemen, in fact, were among the most thoroughly infiltrated of all domestic far right groups. According to Eric Norden, in his long essay on the paramilitary right appearing in the June 1969 issue of Playboy magazine, virtually all of the major Minutemen cases were cracked with the assistance of government infiltrators and informants.
"One of these informants was a nightmare named Roy Frankhauser, a professional government infiltrator whose alliance with [Robert] DePugh [of the Minutemen] began in the early 1960s, shortly after the organization was formed. Frankhauser was well-known for having taken the Fifth Amendment thirty-three times when questioned about his Ku Klux Klan involvement by the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1965. Unaware of Frankhauser's role, Norden interviewed him extensively for his article. Frankhauser, whom DePugh had made a regional coordinator, portrayed the Minutemen to Norden as a neo-Nazi organization to be feared and reckoned with:
"'Hitler had the Jews; we've got the niggers. We have to put our main stress on the nigger question, of course, because that's what preoccupies the masses—but were not forgetting the Jew. If the Jews knew what was coming—and believe me, it's coming as surely as the dawn—they'd realize that what's going to happen in America will make Nazi Germany look like a Sunday-school picnic. We'll build better gas chambers, and more of them, and this time there won't be any refugees.'
"Norden notes that Frankhauser, having made this statement, 'paused and seemed to brood for a few seconds,' and then continued: 'Of course, there are some good Jews, you know, Jews like Dan Burros, who was a friend of mine. Yeah, print that some of my best friends are Jews. Dan Burros was one of the most patriotic, dedicated Americans you'll ever meet in your life.'
"Norden commented: 'Frankhauser fell silent. Burros was a fanatic American Nazi who served as [George Lincoln] Rockwell's [American Nazi party] lieutenant for years, then resigned in 1962 to edit a magazine called Kill and finally became a Klan leader. He had rushed into Frankhauser's house in October 1965 brandishing an issue of the New York Times that exposed his Jewish ancestry, snatched a loaded pistol from the wall and blew his brains out.'
"What Norden did not say is that some conspiracy buffs believe that Frankhauser may have had more than a casual involvement in the killing, although no determination of that fact was ever made and the death was ruled a suicide. Another theory, also not confirmed, is that Frankhauser may have encouraged Burros' suicide inasmuch as his cover had been blown. Burros died from three bullet wounds, unusual in a bona fide suicide. DePugh, who examined the gun, said it was unlikely that Burros killed himself.
"Other Frankhauser associates have ventured related opinions. What is also possible is that in 1965 Frankhauser was working as a government informant and that Dan Burros was too, perhaps reporting to Frankhauser. At the time of this writing Frankhauser still resides in the Reading, Pennsylvania, house where the death occurred; blood stains are still imbedded in the ceiling.
"But was Frankhauser a government informant and agent provocateur so early in his career? Frankhauser denies it, but his own U.S. Army records suggest otherwise. During an extensive interview under oath that took place during the period July 13 to 18, 1957, Army records reveal the following:
"' (FRANKHAUSER) made a decision to infiltrate organizations such as the Neo-Nazi Party, the Communist Party, and the Ku Klux Klan, to determine their motives, identify the leaders, and report this information to the proper intelligence agency of the United States Government if their aims were ascertained to be inimical to the interest of the United States. FRANKHAUSER advised he had created a cover story which included causing people to think he was a true Communist or Nazi and the creation of an organization which was to be a large, well-organized unit, but which was composed of only one man—FRANKHAUSER. FRANKHAUSER'S aim at Fort Bragg was to get the Klans of the North together with the Klans of the South to give the United States government the opportunity to destroy these organizations.'
"During the 1960s, Minutemen were involved in three major terrorist acts in which Frankhauser was the possible informant, directly or indirectly, who tipped off the FBI.
"In 1973, after DePugh was released from prison, Frankhauser became head of Minutemen intelligence . . . During October 1973 DePugh was a featured speaker at Liberty Lobby's annual Board of Policy meeting in Kansas City, Missouri. He had been released from prison six months earlier. Frankhauser, as security director, was his constant companion and lived with the DePugh family in Norborne [Missouri] for several weeks—all the time working for the ATF as an undercover informant.
"Roy Frankhauser's background is much more convoluted. According to U.S. Army documents released under the Freedom of Information Act in 1988, Frankhauser was enmeshed in deep personal problems long before he entered the army. The victim of a broken home and an alcoholic mother, and regarded by school officials and various employers as emotionally unstable and unreliable, he enlisted in the U.S. Army on November 6, 1956. Long a collector of Nazi memorabilia and a Ku Klux Klan sympathizer even as a young man, he was engaged in a number of half-baked plots that immediately brought him to the attention of army authorities.
"Military reports specified that Frankhauser joined the army and volunteered for airborne duty in order to be assigned to Germany. He developed a scheme to have himself declared officially dead so he could leave the army and join the neo-Nazi movement, hoping to rise to a position of prominence.
"On July 2, 1957, Frankhauser stated that he planned to desert the U.S. Army and join the revolutionary forces in Cuba. In fact, he went AWOL and arrived in Miami, Florida, on July 5, 1957, to do precisely that. He was taken into custody shortly thereafter and returned to his military unit. Army records reflect that Frankhauser was discharged on November 18, 1957, under the provisions of AR-635209 (unfit for military service).
"Frankhauser's rather incredible role as a government informant is well - documented. It first came to light in July 1975 when the Washington Star reported on his role in an undercover operation in Canada authorized by the top-secret National Security Council, Frankhauser was assigned to infiltrate the 'Black September' terrorist organization. The CBS Evening News of July 28, 1975, did a feature on Frankhauser during which announcer Fred Graham noted that:
"'Sworn testimony by federal agents [maintains] that Frankhauser has carried out a series of undercover missions for the government, including one approved by the National Security Council in the White House.
"One government source said Frankhauser had an uncanny ability to penetrate both right- and left-wing groups, that he could still help convict those who supplied the explosives that blew up school buses in Pontiac, Michigan, in 1971.'
"Frankhauser eventually ran afoul of his ATF superiors by going too far with his entrapment schemes and not clearing them with the ATF beforehand. This brought about his eventual indictment on February 28, 1974, on charges of stealing explosives, at which time he used his relationship with the agency as a defense. He was eventually convicted and sentenced to a period of probation, after which the ATF had a way of enforcing his cooperation and curbing his erratic behavior (or so it thought). An FBI teletype dated June 17, 1974, revealed:
"'Frankhauser has proposed through his attorney that if allowed to plead guilty and receive probation on current bombing charges he will introduce federal agents to individuals who have approached him regarding his activities.'
"Frankhauser's ATF 'handler,' Edward N. Slamon, had written several internal memos describing Frankhauser as 'an excellent infiltrator and confidential informant,' according to the Washington Star.
"Roy Frankhauser's involvement as a government undercover operative and agent provocateur began in the 1960s and continued sporadically until 1986, when he was indicted along with Lyndon LaRouche and several other defendants in the Boston LaRouche case involving credit card fraud and other charges. Frankhauser, who made his first contact with the LaRouche organization in 1975, had become their director of security! On December 10, 1987, Frankhauser was convicted of plotting to obstruct a federal investigation of the group."' 812 [END OF QUOTE]
All of this intrigue is interesting, of course. The fact that Dan Burros died under mysterious circumstances in the home of a long-time covert operative is likewise quite interesting. It is probably relevant to note that one JFK assassination researcher, Peter Dale Scott, has long put forth the contention that Lee Harvey Oswald "working for a private investigator on federal government contract, was investigating the use of interstate mails for illegal arms sales [and has noted that] . . . the American Nazi Party, in 1963, was being investigated by the U.S. government . . . for its mail-order purchase of firearms."813
That Oswald was perhaps in contact with Burros (and there have been unsubstantiated rumors that Oswald himself may have been in the Washington, D.C. area—specifically Arlington, Virginia where Burros and the American Nazi Party were headquartered) and that Burros was in turn closely associated with a BATF undercover informant adds to the relevance of Scott's contention. However, as we noted in Chapter 15, it is more than likely that Oswald was, in fact, under deployment—through the office of Guy Banister—by the ADL which, in turn, reported regularly to the FBI and other government agencies.
It is known, based upon official Justice Department documents that have been released under the Freedom of Information Act, that Frankhauser's government-sponsored undercover activities—on at least one occasion—were financed by a Jewish community organization. In that instance, the Jewish Community Center of Reading, Pennsylvania. 814 So the likelihood that the ADL also had a hand in Frankhauser's activities is very strong indeed. But the plot thickens. There is an even more explosive Frankhauser link to the JFK assassination.
FRANKHAUSER AND OSWALD
What no JFK assassination researchers have ever yet pointed out, with
one exception, is that the same Roy Frankhauser claimed to have met
several times with not only Lee Harvey Oswald but also John and Ruth
Paine, the Texas couple who played a key role in the final months of the
life of Lee Harvey Oswald. An article regarding Frankhauser's Oswald connection written by Scott M. Thompson and published in the November 20, 1975 issue of New Solidarity magazine is re-published here in pertinent part.
Inclusion of this material is in no way intended by the author of Final Judgment to serve as an endorsement of the information related therein, but is simply provided so that there may be as complete a record as possible of all the little-known areas involving JFK assassination conspiracy research which can be examined by independent-minded individuals who are truly interested in finding out the truth. The article (from which the following is an extended quotation) states:
"In a series of exclusive interviews with IPS over the past month, former National Security Council operative Roy Frankhauser has provided information which conclusively demonstrates that the National Security Council planned and coordinated the Nov. 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Frankhauser provided details of numerous assassination teams organized for the Kennedy and other operations by known agents of the CIA and FBI within groups ranging from the left-wing Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and the Communist Party (USA) to right-wing groups such as the para-military Minutemen.
"Also included in the preparations for the assassination were Cuban exile groups (Gusanos), the American Nazi Party, and such top CIA agents as G. Gordon Liddy, Frank Sturgis, and E. Howard Hunt, the convicted Watergate burglar and close associate of William F. Buckley. In early 1963, Frankhauser told IPS, 'the word came down to get Kennedy and agent-led teams began to spring up all over the place.'
"Frankhauser confirms that two agents within the SWP periphery, who also had close ties to the Communist Party USA, were a direct part of the Kennedy operation. Frankhauser met the two, Ruth and John Paine, in 1960, when he was infiltrating the SWP in New York as an agent for the Mississippi White Citizens Council and for then Mississippi Governor Patterson. Both Paines have been closely linked to Lee Harvey Oswald (who described himself as the 'patsy' in the Kennedy killing moments before he was shot in the Dallas jail) by both the Warren Commission and by independent investigators of the assassination.
"In the months preceding the assassination, the Paines lived with Marina and Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas. It was Ruth Paine who constructed Oswald's 'radical' cover. She was the one who drove Oswald to Mexico City so that he could be photographed by the CIA in front of the Soviet Embassy. She also took Oswald to New Orleans where together they opened a franchise of the SWP front, Fair Play for Cuba, with the approval of SWP national leaders.
"In New York, the Paines had recruited Frankhauser to a secret paramilitary 'leftist' organization after a number of casual meetings at SWP functions. They told Frankhauser that the group had three goals:
1) to break Martin Luther King out of jail should he be arrested;
2) to kill Alabama Sheriff 'Bull' Connor, then a notorious opponent of integration; and
3) to assassinate President Eisenhower if revolution could not be fomented `legally.' The Paines instructed Frankhauser to intensively study the SWP's paper, the Militant, in order 'to learn the jargon of the left.'
"Actual military training for this group was conducted at Camp Midvale in the Ramapo Mountains of northern New Jersey. At this time Midvale was a Communist Party USA-controlled camp. Although all of Frankhauser's reports on this operation were turned over by Governor Patterson's office to the FBI in Mississippi, no arrests were made.
"It was during this same period that Frankhauser first met Oswald at an International Scientific Socialist meeting in New York to which he was taken by the Paines.
"Frankhauser's second meeting with Oswald was at a CIA training camp near Lake Pontchartrain in Louisiana.
"Beginning in 1961, NSC agents launched an operation in the rightwing Minutemen—founded a year earlier to prepare for "guerilla warfare" against [what the Minutemen believed would be a] communist takeover of the U.S. [This] transformed the organization into a key NSC center for recruiting and coordinating the psychotic fringe of right-wing groups into a swarm of assassination teams, some of which were specifically selected and trained for the Kennedy assassination.
"This takeover of the Minutemen was conducted under the auspices of FBI Operation COINTELPRO and CIA Operation Scorpio, and within a short time the entire Minutemen national executive committee was composed of agents — with the exception of the organization's founder Robert DePugh, who has remained a controlled dupe of the FBI ever since.
"Frankhauser, at the time a CIA stringer, was himself deployed into the Minutemen, eventually becoming East Coast director of intelligence and national counterintelligence director.
"Among the key figures in the Minutemen side of the Kennedy assassination operation, Frankhauser said, was Ken Duggan, who, was assistant director of Minutemen counterintelligence under Frankhauser. Also a CIA stringer, Duggan worked within the Buckley family network of Catholic fascist terrorists, recruiting Gusanos for the abortive Bay of Pigs invasion. Duggan also recruited and trained several teams in preparation for the Kennedy assassination.
"Duggan, who later denounced the Buckleys, was murdered at New York's Rikers Island prison approximately a month ago. He was in prison as a result of a frame-up on attempted murder charges brought by one George Wilkie, a protégé of leading members of the Buckleys' Conservative Party operation.
"Also involved in profiling and selecting members of the Kennedy and other assassination teams were two agents active in the Connecticut Minutemen: Vincent De Palma and Eugene Tabbett. De Palma had been a leading CIA assassination expert in Latin America before being planted in the FBI. The FBI in turn deployed him into the Minutemen where he quickly became a national figure. Tabbett had worked for the FBI in the Klan Bureau of Intelligence before joining De Palma in Connecticut.
"[Frankhauser's] 1964 subpoena to testify before the Warren Commission was quashed by the FBI on 'national security' grounds. At that time Frankhauser was threatened by two Reading, Pennsylvania-based FBI agents, Kaufman and Davis, who told him that 'if you release information on the Paines to the Commission, you'll be in deep trouble with the FBI.' One day before their visit, Frankhauser was almost struck by two bullets fired through the window of his Reading home."815 [END OF QUOTE}
How much of what Frankhauser claims is true is beyond the scope of this volume. However, JFK researchers who have tripped over themselves looking into the life and times of Lee Harvey Oswald have been notably delinquent in studiously ignoring the Frankhauser and Frankhauser-Burros connections to Lee Harvey Oswald. They would contribute much to their own research and to the search for the truth by pursuing these matters further—if indeed these researchers are seeking the truth.
It is interesting to note, and not just incidentally, the connections of the aforementioned Ken Duggan whom Frankhauser alleged had ties to some aspect of the JFK assassination conspiracy. Among those with whom Ken Duggan was associated were none other than two Cuban brothers, Guillermo and Ignacio Novo.
It was in Chapter 9 and in Chapter 16 where we learned of the Novo brothers trip to Dallas, Texas in the company of CIA contract agent Marita Lorenz as well as long-time CIA and Mossad asset Frank Sturgis. Upon their arrival in Dallas one day before the president's assassination, the Novos and their associates met with not only long-time CIA officer, E. Howard Hunt, but also Jack Ruby, who later killed Lee Harvey Oswald.
The Novo brothers were not only involved in some fashion in the circumstances surrounding the JFK conspiracy, but, in later years, were convicted in the murder of maverick Chilean diplomat Orlando Letelier. Their co-conspirator in the crime was, as we saw in Chapter 9, Michael Townley who had been an operative for Investors Overseas Service (MS). IOS, of course, was the operation run by financier Bernard Cornfeld, front man for veteran Mossad official Tibor Rosenbaum, one of the key figures behind Permindex, the shadowy corporate body linked to all the primary forces behind the JFK assassination.
What's more, as noted in Chapter 9, it was in the office of then New York Sen. James L. Buckley (brother of the aforementioned William F. Buckley, Jr.) that the Novos plotted the Letelier murder.
As we noted in Chapter 16, it appears likely that there were at least several assassination teams in place in or near Dealey Plaza before and during the JFK assassination, all part of a grand multi-leveled "false flag" operation. The allegations made by Frankhauser, indeed, jibe completely with the conclusions reached in Final Judgment.
VAN LOMAN AND THE
JIM HARRIS CONNECTION
The author is indebted to Van Loman, who brought the magnitude of the
little-noticed Oswald-Burros connection to my attention. Loman himself has his
own unusual connection to the netherworld of intelligence. As a teenager
Loman adopted as his father figure and mentor a cagey and colorful Cincinnati,
Ohio-based roustabout named Jim Harris whose remarkably checkered career
came to an end with his death in December of 1994. Although Harris publicly postured as the Grand Dragon of the Ohio Ku Klux Klan, he was, in fact, a long-time informant for J. Edgar Hoover's FBI and a self-described contract agent for the CIA, actively collaborating in the CIA/Mafia plots against Castro—and perhaps more. Among Harris' key associates was none other than Roy Frankhauser, his fellow intelligence operative. It was through Harris that Loman met Roy Frankhauser many years ago. Thanks indeed to Van Loman for pointing out the significance of the Oswald-Burros connection.
To dig too deeply into this little-explored area will, inevitably, begin turning up rocks under which the tentacles of the ADL and its collaborators in American intelligence lie hidden. This perhaps explains why some JFK assassination researchers have avoided this unpleasant mystery altogether.
This author believes that the Oswald-Burros connection is indeed another avenue that JFK assassination investigators should explore further and one which, in the end, adds further compelling evidence that solidifies the foundation upon which our final judgment is based.
Next
Appendix Three "Communist Blood Red"
notes
Appendix One Where Was George ?
788 Mark Lane. Rush to Judgment. (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1992), pp. xxv-xxvi.
789 Mark Lane. Plausible Denial. (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1991), p. 331.
790 Covert Action Information Bulletin, Summer 1992.
791 Ibid.
792 Ibid.
793 Ibid.
794 Ibid.
795 Ibid.
796 Lane. Plausible Denial. pp. 32-33.
797 Covert Action Information Bulletin.
798 The Spotlight, March 22, 1982.
799 Covert Action Information Bulletin.
800 Ibid.
801 Covert Action Information Bulletin. Winter 1990.
802 Ibid.
803 The Spotlight, June 21, 1982.
804 Covert Action Information Bulletin, Summer 1992.
805 Ibid.
806 Spy, August 1992.
807 Ibid.
808 Ibid.
809 Ibid.
810 Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin. George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography [Washington, D.C.: Executive Intelligence Review, 1992], pp. 247-248.
811 Ibid.
812 Executive Intelligence Review. Dope, Inc. (1992 edition), p. 608.
Appendix Two The Man From The Klan
813 John George and Laird Wilcox. Nazis, Communists, Klansmen and Others on the Fringe. (New York: Prometheus Books, 1992), pp. 285-290.
814 Peter Dale Scott. Deep Politics and the Death of JFK. (Berkley, California: University of California Press, 1993), pp. 248-250.
815 Letter to Roy Frankhauser from Robert Curran, U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, November 21, 1973.
816 New Solidarity newspaper, November 20, 1975.
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