Chapter 16
WEALTH: THE LEGACY OF
THE OPIUM TRADE
New England always had an elite class. Some of the early families
were wealthy or at least titled in England, while others were
prominent in their respective churches. For nearly four hundred years
status was accorded by just how far back the family name could be
traced. There were two classes of people who came to early
Massachusetts: the original blue bloods, the religious dissenters from the
East Anglia district north of London, and a more geographically varied
group of "others."
The blue bloods became Massachusetts's first and original upper
class. They were Puritans led by John Winthrop of the East Anglia town
of Groton. Winthrop was likened to the biblical Nehemiah, who led his
people out of Babylonian captivity. In England the Puritans might have
made up 20 percent of the population; in East Anglia it was closer to
40 percent. The map of New England provides the evidence of the
Puritan infiltration: Boston, Ipswich, Lynn, Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex
are among the many town names brought to seventeenth-century New
England from the mother country. Puritans were in and out of favor
and risked persecution as the kings of England came and went, married,
or converted. The New World, they hoped, would provide relief and the
Puritan version of religious freedom.
The second group was from a much wider geographic range. This
included Huguenots who fled Catholic persecution in France and were
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Wealth: The Legacy of the Opium Trade 277
not always welcome in other countries. In 1585 the Edict of Nantes
gave them religious freedom, but it was later rescinded. Troops in
Catholic France supervised the reconversion. This prompted many families, including the Faneuils, Bowdoins, Reveres, and Oliver's, to relocate
to New England. It brought the Jays and Bayards to New York.1
The
Huguenots were merchants first, and because of the precarious nature
of their existence and survival in Europe, they were possibly a much
more adaptable people.
Prestige was brought from Europe, achieved with the money accumulated in the New World, or acquired by marriage. By the late seventeenth century distinctions among European brands of Protestantism
were blurred and the struggles pitted the English Protestants against the
Scottish and Irish Catholics. The English favored Parliamentary rule
while the Catholic Irish and Scots often favored the king, especially if
it was a Stuart king.
Boston was a microcosm of this old society, where the top tier of a
class system was built on status in Europe and in the church and was
later joined by those who made their fortunes in the New World.
Members of this class were bent on self-preservation and accomplished
this in many ways: intermarriage, dominance in business and politics,
and endowment of public institutions. Cabots married Lowells,
Roosevelts married Astors, and Paines married Whitneys. Such names
were like tribal tattoos; they indicated royal lineage and thus prestige.
Names also served to exclude certain groups, and pressure was put on
individual family members to marry within their station.
Fortunes amassed in real estate, privateering, merchanting, or smuggling were reinvested in railroads, textile mills, insurance companies, and
banks, allowing the elite class to control the economy. Money bought
politicians and elected those who chose to brave the political waters.
Money—often from opium trading, smuggling, and slave trading—was
used as an endowment to build educational institutions and buy professorial chairs that would then control just who would be approved to
enter the elite and how history would be viewed.
The universities and museums determined how the history books would be written. They could color the past to suit themselves or others.The opium clippers were referred to as "tea clippers."The slave trade
became the "sugar and molasses trade." Wartime profiteering and price
gouging were simply not discussed. Slave traders who were now bank
presidents were "prominent businessmen." And many people whose
fortunes were built on opium and slave trading became those prominent businessmen.
THE APPLETONS
The Appletons' fortune began to accumulate almost upon their landing
in the New World in the seventeenth century, but it was later enhanced
by association with the China trade and with cronyism. The family lived
at the pinnacle of Boston society, which was referred to as the Boston
Associates,2
a tight-knit group that included two Appletons, a Cabot-Lowell, two Jacksons, and a handful of others who would lay the foundation of New England industry.
The Appleton family can be traced to the sixteenth century in
England. Samuel Appleton (1766-1853) fought in King Philip's War
and was a member of the first provincial council and a Connecticut
judge. He also owned a sawmill and invested in an early ironworks in
Massachusetts. An Appleton married a Perkins in 1701, and descendants
of the earliest settlers include Jane Means Appleton Pierce, who became
the first lady to the fourteenth president, Franklin Pierce; and Calvin
Coolidge, the thirtieth president.
Samuel Appleton started the family in the textile business and made
significant investments in real estate and railroads. He married Mary
Gore. Appleton was actively involved in the Massachusetts Historical
Society, was a trustee of Massachusetts Hospital, and was a contributor
to Dartmouth, Harvard, and the Boston Female Asylum.
Nathan Appleton (1779-1861) was a founder of the Boston
Manufacturing Company, the Waltham Cotton Factory, the Hamilton
Company, and numerous other mills. The Appletons, along with the
Lowells, Jacksons, and Thorndike's, brought to Massachusetts the first
Wealth: looms that operated in the United States. As a group they are responsible for putting both Waltham and Lawrence, Massachusetts, and
Manchester, New Hampshire, on the map as textile cities. Nathan
Appleton was one of the founders of the textile city dubbed Lowell
after John Lowell, scion of another New England first family. Appleton
served several terms in the Massachusetts state legislature and the U.S.
House of Representatives, and he also became an organizer of the
Boston Athenaeum.
Nathan owned ships, founded banks and insurance companies, and
invested in railroads and in infrastructure projects. His brother William
became president of the Boston branch of the United States Bank.
Appletons, Jacksons, and Lowell's controlled the board of the Suffolk
Bank, which acted as the central bank for New England.
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow was lucky enough to be born into
one of New Hampshire's first families, the Wadsworths, which afforded
him the ability to travel throughout Europe and write poetry. He married Frances Appleton, the daughter of Nathan Appleton, which substantially increased Longfellow's wealth. The Longfellow House in
Cambridge was a gift from his father-in-law. Longfellow owned shares
in at least five textile companies that his father-in-law invested in, and
when his friend and contemporary Charles Dickens visited the mills of
Lowell, it is no small wonder he compared them favorably to England's.
Jesse Appleton was a man of principle. He served as the president
of Bowdoin College, where Longfellow had been a student and a professor. Jesse's daughters benefited from both his station and his lessons
and developed a knack for marrying well. Daughter Frances married a
Bowdoin professor. Daughter Mary married John Aiken, a prominent
attorney and significant investor in the textile industry.
Despite the family's involvement in the China trade, Jane Appleton
had a sense of morality that seems at odds with her fortune. When she
met Franklin Pierce, who attended Bowdoin, he was studying to
become an attorney. The Appleton family discouraged the match, as
Pierce was not as prominent as the Appletons, despite the fact that his
father was the governor of New Hampshire.
Pierce entered politics early, a career that went hand in hand with
being an attorney. He was a Jacksonian, which pitted him against the
Whig class of Massachusetts's monied elite, but at the same time he was
pro-slavery. Pierce soon retired from politics to enlist as a private in the
war against Mexico. He emerged a general and a war hero. When his
war hero status raised his value as a candidate, Pierce was swept into
national politics by the same faction that had removed Taylor. Jane
Appleton Pierce did all she could to keep her husband from becoming
a presidential candidate. His getting the party nomination caused her to
faint, and for a while she fought his going to Washington, as it had a
reputation for hard drinking that to her was immoral.
Incredible tragedy struck Jane and Franklin Pierce, as their third and
only surviving son was killed on the way to the inauguration in
Washington. Jane avoided public life, and a childhood friend took her
place at White House functions.
Pierce was a one-term president who had a flair for creating divisiveness. He was the first president to appoint a non-Protestant cabinet
member. The postmaster general was James Campbell, a Pennsylvania
Catholic whose appointment and reception of a papal delegate helped
create the backlash that would become the Know-Nothing (American
nativist) party. Pierce endorsed the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, which was the
eye of the slavery hurricane and led to the splitting of the Democratic
party and the ending of the Whig party—and the creation of the
Republican party. He brought England and America to the verge of war
for a third time over policy and further strained relations with Europe
when plans to annex Cuba were leaked to the European press.
Pierce's attorney general, Caleb Cushing, was the real power behind
the "throne." The thirty-third-degree Mason and opium trader was the
grand master to the divisive politics that threatened the nation. Pierce's
secretary of war, Jefferson Davis, completed the conspiracy, leading the
Southern states into war against the Union.
Jane Appleton's marriage to Pierce was not the only connection the
Appleton family had to the presidency. Nathan Appleton became
father-in-law to Thomas Coolidge, whose descendant would also reach the White House. Coolidge money too had been increased in the
China trade, and Thomas Coolidge had no qualms about admitting his
devotion to the acquisition of wealth, as "money was becoming the
only real avenue to power and success both socially and in the regard
of your fellow-men."3
Coolidge money was spread at Harvard and at
the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, among other institutions. Coolidge
money would also start the United Fruit Company, which linked other
prominent New England families for a hundred years.
THE CABOTS
Samuel Eliot Morison, one of America's highest authorities on the history of the sea trade, writes, "Seaboard Massachusetts has never known
such a thing as social democracy. . . . Inequalities of wealth have made
political democracy a sham."4
Writing on the mansions of pre-Revolutionary New England, which include George Cabot's at
Beverly, Jonathan Jackson's at Newburyport, and John Heard's at
Ipswich, Morison points to the sea as the source of wealth. Bluntly
referring to the Revolution as an effect of George Ill's harsh maritime
policy, Morison calls Boston the headquarters of the Revolution. What
England called smuggling, he emphasizes, Americans called free trade.5
The Cabot family began the family fortune upon arrival in America,
when John Cabot emigrated from the Channel Islands to Salem in 1700.
His son Joseph became a successful merchant and married into the
Higginson family, one of the most prominent in the colony.
George Cabot was the seventh of Joseph's eleven children, and
despite his Harvard education he was shipped off as a cabin boy under
the command of two older brothers. Their father's ships were active
with the Spanish colonies in the trade of rum and fish, two staples of
the slave plantations. At age eighteen George was made captain. After
four years at sea, George married and took over a share in the distillery
business from his wife's side of the family, as well as control of his brothers' shipping interests. George made his last voyage at age twenty-seven,
at which time he was already a captain of industry.
The Revolutionary War was great business for George as he fitted
out forty ships as privateers and shared richly in many prizes. What
Cabot and his fellow merchants had fought for, in addition to prizes,
was to make a union of the colonies in the belief that it would expand
their mercantile business. And for a while it did. In 1784 George Cabot
was already trading through the Baltic Sea, pioneering the Russian
trade with his ships Buccaneer and Commerce.6
In 1787, with the war at an
end, the Cabot family established the Beverly Cotton Manufactory.
Cabots also owned fishing fleets in Beverly, which led Senator George
Cabot to draft and push through an act giving fishermen a bounty to
expand the cod-fishing business.
From 1789 to 1799 Alexander Hamilton had dictated the financial
and foreign policy for the nation's first two administrations. His privy
council was called the Essex Junto.7
Made up of George Cabot, Stephen
Higginson, Jonathan Jackson, John Lowell, and Thomas Pickering, the
Junto almost created a second revolution when the policies of Jefferson
were not in accord with the council's own financial interests.
The fortunes of the Essex Junto were made mostly from the sea and
from unrestricted trade. Its credit needs were met not by the infant government in Washington but by the same facilities members had relied
on before the Revolution: the London banking houses. The Essex Junto
was actually a traitorous conspiracy, as it broke away from the United
States because of Jefferson's embargo. When home among his fellow
aristocrats, George Cabot was a pillar of the compact society; outside
New England he was an anarchist, a charge he had made against
Jefferson. The conspiracy blew over as the embargo was lifted.
Senator George Cabot, whose mother was Elizabeth Higginson,
married his first cousin, also named Elizabeth Higginson. The union
was one of many dynastic marriages among the opium families who
became the Brahmin class of Boston. George further cemented his role
in the establishment by serving as president of the Boston branch of the
United States Bank, as director of Suffolk Insurance, and as president of
Boston Marine Insurance.
The next famous Cabot was Edward (1818-1901), the third of eleven children of Samuel Cabot and Eliza Perkins (daughter of
Thomas Handasyd Perkins). The offspring of two of the most powerful
China trading families, Edward Cabot decided to be a sheep farmer.
After losing a fortune in that business in Illinois, he returned home and
became an architect. Edward would get commissions to design Johns
Hopkins University and the Boston Athenaeum, both of which were
financed by family.
The best-known Cabot might be Henry Cabot Lodge, a Harvard
Ph.D. historian-turned-politician. A true elitist, he fought against
women's suffrage and even against the direct election of U.S. senators.
To foster these elitist politics the Cabot family endowed organizations
such as the Brookings Institute, where world leaders like James
Wolfensohn of the World Bank; Henry Schacht of Warburg, Pincus;
David Rockefeller; and Barton Biggs of Morgan Stanley bridge the
corporate-political divide and influence government policy.
THE LOWELLS
A Boston elitist saying holds that the Lowells speak only to the Cabots,
and the Cabots speak only to God.
The Lowell family achieved its status in Brahmin society by its early
arrival in the colonies and its development of Newburyport as an early
center of shipbuilding and a merchant community. The early families
did everything they could to preserve their status and wealth, including
marrying into other wealthy and prestigious families.
John Lowell was part of the class of 1721 at Harvard and shared
classrooms with Hancocks, Winslows, Hutchinsons, and Woolcotts. A
great example of what the dynastic marriage can produce is the relationship of John Lowell and Jonathan Jackson. John "Old Judge"
Lowell, a Harvard graduate in 1761, married the daughter of Stephen
Higginson, a leading merchant, and Elizabeth Cabot Higginson. As
Lowell was a lawyer, this connection maintained his status in the merchant community, which had already been established by his family.
John's close friend Jonathan Jackson had inherited twenty thousand pounds and married the daughter of Patrick Tracy, one of Boston's richest merchants. The marriage increased Jackson's wealth and his status as a
merchant, and extended his connections into England—a necessary connection for financing. For Jackson, John Lowell represented connections;
for John Lowell, Jackson meant more clients. Their partnership was
cemented by marriage between the families. John Lowell's son, Francis
Cabot Lowell, was born to his second wife, Susan Cabot. Francis Cabot
Lowell married Hannah, the daughter of Jackson and his first wife.
John and Elizabeth Lowell were New England's finest couple, and
their Boston home on High Street was next door to that of their best
friends, the Jacksons. From this power base the two men were able to
increase their fortunes, thanks to the Revolution. John represented the
business affairs of British families, handled the wills of leading patricians
in Boston, collected seven hundred separate fees related to privateer
actions, and was in charge of liquidating many Tory-owned properties
after the war. His legal machine benefited from his action in the early
politics of the new country.
John Lowell served as a member of the State Constitutional
Convention, which advocated that "all men are born free and equal,"
but it is doubtful that he personally advocated such sentiments. Both
Lowell and best friend, Jackson, were slave owners. John Lowell has the
distinction of being the last man in Boston to own a black slave.
After the war the classes were further divided in America as economic depression and higher taxation struck home. A huge chasm
existed between the haves and the have-nots, and the Lowells were
among those who had it all. In order to have a place to keep it all,
Lowell, along with members of the Russell and Higginson families,
started the Massachusetts Bank, which became the First National Bank
of Boston.
While the Lowell family wealth was already one of the greatest and
they were one of the most powerful clans in the new country, Francis
Cabot Lowell further increased the family wealth and made an imprint
on the American textile industry.
In England, Richard Arkwright launched the industrial revolution by bringing machinery to the textile industry, which was formerly
dependent on people in their homes. Spinning, carding, and weaving
yarn on hand looms was the original cottage industry. A woman often
went to a storekeeper, bought the yarn on consignment, and returned
woven cloth to earn a profit. Women could weave at home while earning a wage at the same time. The industrial revolution would change
the home-based industry to a factory-based one, starting with the spinning frame, the first fully powered machine for spinning yarn.
An assistant to Richard Arkwright, Samuel Slater, memorized the
design of the spinning frame and brought it to America, where slave
trader Moses Brown financed the first cotton-spinning wheel in
Pawtucket, Rhode Island. For Brown it was a natural progression from
one type of cruel labor to another; instead of exploiting captive labor,
there was an entire new class of labor ready to be used—children. The
company Brown built was named in honor of the machine's inventor,
Arkwright.
Francis Cabot Lowell followed Brown's example and went to
England in 1810 to get plans for his own factory. His first factory would
be a partnership with brother-in-law Tracy Jackson, as well as with Paul
Moody and Nathan Appleton. Lowell's mill combined all the operations
of making raw cotton into finished clothes. As soon as he realized it
could be done, he used his political influence to push for high duties
on imported cloth, in order to lessen his competition.
Lowell's inner circle of Boston Associates then scouted for a location to build even larger mills. They found that the confluence of the
Concord and Merrimack Rivers was perfect for providing the waterpower needed to power their looms. Thus the sleepy farming village of
East Chelmsford was turned into a factory village called Lowell.
Lowell was much more than a single factory; it was the first corporate town. Several corporations were formed and scouts were sent
throughout the state to find the necessary machine operators. Children
were the best source of labor. Times were tough and children as young
as ten were in great supply. The youngest of the factory girls were "doffers," doffing, or taking off, the full bobbins from the spinning frames and replacing them. These girls worked fourteen-hour days, starting at
five in the morning, for the munificent sum of two dollars a week.8
As in mining towns, unscrupulous textile operators would often
allow workers to run up charges at factory stores. The combination of
inflated prices and accumulated debt ensured that workers would stay.
The women and children brought to the factory town often could not
afford to leave, their condition reduced to something not much different from slavery.
The elite factory owners were able to color things differently. John
Greenleaf Whittier, poet and newspaper editor, lived near Lowell and
wrote of the mill town, describing it as a "city springing up like the
enchanted palaces of Arabian Tales." These brick "palaces" ran six days a
week, fourteen hours a day, and when it was dark whale-oil lamps
extended the day. The living conditions were worse. Accommodations
were in blocks of sixteen "houses," with five hundred people forced to
use one privy. In another tenement in Lowell the tenants had to carry
their waste, human and otherwise, to Austin Avenue. In another Lowell
block the commissioners counted 396 people living in conditions
Whittier described as filthy, unsanitary, foul, and wretched. But the
women had to live there as a condition of their employment. What Mr.
Whittier and other writers who were tainted by those who paid their
salaries seemed to miss, a Massachusetts labor commissioner pointed
out: The state's laws protected horses better than people.9
Despite the conditions, the wage was higher than a teenage girl
could make outside the factory system, and children could send home
money to their families. Despite the abuses, the millworkers did not
fight for raises. Eventually they were forced to fight to keep the same
wage, as factory owners started cutting wages after competition from
other mills grew. The plight of the mill women achieved national attention many decades later when seventy-three-year-old Mary Jones
marched with several hundred textile workers, half of them under the
age of sixteen, from Philadelphia to New York to visit President Teddy
Roosevelt. By this time American mills and mines employed two million children. Marching in rags, many of the women missing fingers from machine accidents, the group attempted to call on a New York
senator first and then on Teddy Roosevelt at his mansion. Both men
avoided the demonstration, but the public outcry created by the march
finally led to child protection laws.
Although many of New England's elite kept their family money
and power intact, it was the Cabot name that remained a political force.
Henry Cabot Lodge served in Congress and the Senate from 1893 to
1924 and was even nominated for president by Teddy Roosevelt at the
1916 Republican Convention. Lodge's grandson Henry Cabot Lodge
was John F. Kennedy's ambassador to South Vietnam, and was involved
heavily in the secret negotiations that led to the assassination of South
Vietnam's president, Ngo Dinh Diem.
CHASING THE DRAGON
After the first Opium War, the California gold rush diverted attention
from the opium trade in China. The great rush to reach the West meant
there was more money to be made shipping goods to California than
to China. The eastern magnates, made wealthy by the opium trade, were
the driving force behind the rush to build a transcontinental railroad.
With slavery banned, the next best labor was imported and cheap. The
railroad owners turned to China, where coolies, or unskilled laborers,
could be carried over on ships along with opium.
Many Chinese desired to leave their country as famine and taxes
hurt farming. Many of the immigrants came from the same coastal
provinces where the opium business had thrived. The means of getting
out of China was as harsh as the immigration on the death ships from
Ireland—sometimes worse. Dubbed the pig trade, the immigrants were
treated like slaves as they got on the transport ships, which were often
managed by Americans. The Chinese were marked with the letter C for
their destination, California. They committed themselves to an indenture period that many did not understand. Thousands would be
"relieved" of their obligation, as the death rate was a startling 40 percent, higher than that of the African slave trade.
Most of the immigrants whose passage was paid—at the price of
indenture—were men who were destined to work on the railroads. To
service the men, Chinese overseers bring them drugs and occasionally
prostitutes. Many of the women brought to serve as prostitutes were
sold by their families or kidnapped; some were as young as eight years
old.10
Emigration from China spread the use of opium to Australia and
Peru, two other common destinations, as well as to California. In
America the nation was discovering the negatives of drug addiction, but
there was no public outcry until opium became associated with the
immigrants.
While in the grips of a new hysteria against immigration and the
poor, the attitudes of Americans changed. One could buy heroin in the
Sears catalog or at the grocery store and cannabis at the drugstore, but
now the American government and the Hearst media sought to convince Americans that such evils were being foisted upon the country by
foreigners. The Chinese brought the opium, the Mexicans brought the
marijuana, and the blacks brought the cocaine. The head of the Federal
Bureau of Narcotics, Harry J. Anslinger, and the Hearst newspapers
spoke out against anything that was associated with people of these heritages, including their music. Even the labor unions, threatened by the
large numbers of hardworking Asians, called the Chinese drug smugglers.11 [Nothing has changed, same arguments and fronts by the elite till this very day here in 2019 D.C]
The editorial opinion of the Hearst organization mirrored the position of the Ku Klux Klan in seeking 100 percent "Americanism."
Thomas Edison's first films were on the Chinese and their alleged proclivity for opium. Americans soon got the message. It was one thing
when old women drifted off to sleep after sniffing an opium pipe; it was
another when strangers were using the drug.
At the turn of the century, Roosevelt relied on the word to suppress Asian opium. Although it was ironic that the nineteenth-century
Roosevelts and Delanos had built a family fortune on addicting
Chinese to opium, the tide had turned. America was smoking more
opium each year than the six largest nations of Europe put together.
The man who might be dubbed America's first drug czar, Hamilton
Wright, claimed that the Chinese brought the problem to American
shores and that opium's use had grown beyond the Chinese workers.
He pointed out that five hundred thousand pounds of opium were used
each year, and less than 10 percent was for legitimate medicinal purposes. Wright placed the blame on "ignorant physicians" and "law-defying
retail druggists," and called on the country to establish laws that would
curb opium use. But cocaine was also becoming popular, and Wright
claimed, "It is current knowledge . . . where large numbers of Negroes
congregate, cocaine is peddled pretty openly."12 [More like the first stereotyper DC]
The result of the racist hysteria was the Harrison Act, which started
the ban on drugs such as heroin. The ban had two immediate results: It
drove the price of heroin up 1,500 percent 13 and it induced the use of
the syringe to help addicts get more bang for their bucks. Another long term effect was violence. As it was no longer a drug that was used primarily by middle-aged women, opium and heroin found the young and
the poor to be receptive and repetitive clients. The illegal trade was the
source of wealth for those who braved the risks. A new generation of
smugglers became America's legacy. And the poor learned that you no
longer had to have a name like Cabot or Lowell to get rich in the drug
trade.
Chapter 17
THE POWER
OF THE
NEW SKULL
AND BONES
One of the stranger buildings on the Yale Campus resembles a
mausoleum. Inside, a young man, one of fifteen juniors chosen
each year, lies naked in a coffin. He is not dead; he is reciting a sexual
autobiography of his life before being "tapped" for the Skull and Bones.
The ceremony is called Connubial Bliss, and it no doubt helps the
bonding process that will last a lifetime.1
Standing around are the fourteen other initiates and the current membership, who are all seniors at
Yale. The goings-on get stranger, and it is said that if one would climb
to the top of nearby Weir Hall, one "could hear strange cries and moans
coming from the bowels of the tomb."2
Unlike a normal fraternity, no
one actually resides in the building; it only conducts rituals there. Also
unlike a fraternity, the Skull and Bones initiates emerge wealthier and
with connections that can ensure a lifetime of success.
Former president George Bush is one of those who has lain in the
coffin. He is not the only famous member; his son George W. Bush is
another. A third president, William Howard Taft, was a "Bonesman," and
his father, Alphonso Taft, was one of the founders. The odds of three
presidents coming out of the same fifteen-member-a-year fraternity are
infinitesimal. Then again, the support from fellow Bonesmen means
they have clout—enough clout to get to the White House. The membership list of Skull and Bones is one of the greatest concentrations of power in the United State. Names like Pillsbury, Kellogg, Weyerhaeuser,
Phelps, and Whitney abound. They rule in the business world and they
rule in the political arena.
Besides the three presidents, numerous congressmen, justices, and
military leaders have been members of the Skull and Bones. Rhode
Island Senator John Chafee is a member. Senator Robert Taft was a
member. Conservative William F. Buckley is a member, and so is his
CIA-proponent brother, James. The CIA as an employer is a virtual class
reunion of Yale; both organizations have the same statue of Nathan
Hale,3
and both are regarded as a "campus," which is not a usual designation for the headquarters of a government intelligence unit. And
among the active Yale class reunion at Langley, membership in Skull and
Bones is regarded as a most prominent background. The director of personnel in the early years was F. Trubee Davison, who was made a
Bonesman in 1918. When the CIA made Chile safe for the interests of
American businessmen, the deputy chief of station was Bonesman Dino
Pionzio. Bonesman Archibald MacLeish started his career in intelligence and then moved to fellow Bonesman Henry Luce's Time magazine. MacLeish's appointment to an intelligence position was granted by
another member of Yale's secret societies, Wilmarth Sheldon Lewis of
the Scroll and Key.4
McGeorge Bundy, the man who gave us a war in Vietnam, is a
member of the Skull and Bones. William Sloane Coffin, who went from
the CIA to protesting the war, is also a member. Russell Davenport,
founder of Fortune, is a Bonesman. Senator John Forbes Kerry, an heir
to the China trading Forbes family, is also a member.
For many, note the authors of Wise Men, Six Friends and the World
They Made, "Membership in a senior society at Yale was the capstone of
a successful career at Yale. The oldest and greatest, indeed the most legendary ... was Skull and Bones." Two of those six friends alluded to in
the book's title were Skull and Bones members William Averill
Harriman and Robert Abercrombie Lovett. When Harriman carried
secret dispatches in the First World War, he coded them 322, a code
understood only by Bonesmen. When third wife Pamela Churchill
292 From the Sacred to the Profane
asked Harriman about it in 1971, he told her he couldn't tell even her.5
For those who wonder what goes on inside the iron gates of this
quasi-Masonic sanctuary, there are few answers. If a Bonesman is in a
room and the subject of the organization comes up, he not only will
not reply but also he will leave the room. The oaths taken among the
bones and skulls of celebrity skeletons have never been broken. Nor has
the power.
In recent years Ron Rosenbaum and Antony Sutton, authors of
America's Secret Establishment, have shed light on the secret organization.
The Skull and Bones is the beneficiary of a trust set up by the Russell
and Company heirs. How much money from the vast China trading
fortune went into the Russell Trust Association is unknown, but each
tapped member starts with fifteen thousand dollars and countless valuable connections. Old-money names include Adams, Bundy, Cheney,
Lord, Stimson, and Wadsworth. New-money names include Harriman,
Rockefeller, Payne, and Bush.6
Averill Harriman, of the Wall Street firm
Brown Brothers Harriman, is another member and the patron of the
Bush fortune. And Brown Brothers Harriman is the repository of the
Skull and Bone's funds.
From this remarkable base of power the heirs to the Russell Trust
maintain control as the inner circle of power. The outer circle, which
consists of organizations that exist in at least semi-daylight, include the
Trilateral Commission, the Brookings Institute, the Council on Foreign
Relations, and the Round Tables of Commerce in numerous cities.
These in turn ensure that the elite stay in control of American business,
government, universities, and the media. In fact, a revolving door of
Trilateral and Council on Foreign Relations members serve in key
positions in both government and business. They make the rules. They
allow themselves to use tax-free foundations to ensure the ideas of the
ruling class will always prevail by funding the "right" people and projects. The elite system perpetuates itself.
Though a blanket of secrecy protects the inner workings of such
organizations, the secrecy has been under attack. In April 2001 the New
York Observer and Ron Rosenbaum actually filmed the secret rites of
The Power of the New Skull and Bones 293
the Skull and Bones' initiation. Using high-tech night-vision video
equipment, the organization—whose members gave birth to the OSS
and the CIA, filled numerous secretary of state posts, and served as
national security advisers—were spied on themselves. While the vulgar
scene need not be retold in these pages, it would have been a much
greater embarrassment if other media had carried the story further.
Is there a Skull and Bones agenda? Bonesmen "believe in the
notion of 'constructive chaos,' which justifies covert action," writes Joel
Bainerman in Inside the Covert Operations of the CIA and Israel's Mossad.
The foreign policy of the Bonesmen is almost always carried out
through a secret agenda.7
Alphonso Taft was secretary of war when he
pressured McKinley to declare war on Spain. After McKinley was assassinated, Teddy Roosevelt took over and brought in Bonesman William
Howard Taft. Others of the order who have held warrior posts include
Henry Stimson, secretary of state under Hoover; Robert Lovett, secretary of defense at the height of the Cold War; General George Marshall,
who became Truman's secretary of state; McGeorge Bundy, Kennedy's
national security adviser; and Averell Harriman, ambassador-at-large for
southeast Asia during Vietnam. Following the Stimson doctrine that
there should be regular periodic wars to divert discontent and rally the
nation to a single purpose, Bonesmen George Bush and George W.
Bush would uphold the tradition with brief military excursions in Asia
and Latin America.
Just how much clout has the order of the Skull and Bones exerted
on twentieth-century history? In Asia, American policy started with the
policy of the New England opium families. After reaping their fortunes
in Asia, the families turned their attention homeward to railroads, mills,
and mines. An American presence remained in China as missionaries
then tried to "reform" the Chinese to further accept Western ways.
Henry Luce was the son of a missionary to China. He was sent to Yale
for an education and was tapped for the Skull and Bones. In Whiteout:
The CIA, Drugs and the Press, Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair
write, "Tap Day was a critical turning point for Luce. He yearned to be
tapped for Skull and Bones, the supreme society at Yale, the ultimate."8
With eighty-six thousand dollars borrowed mostly from other
Yalies and family friends, Luce, with the help of Yale students serving
as assistants, started Time magazine, which would later be Life magazine.
Luce married Clare Boothe Brokaw, who took as much of an interest in China as he did. Together they acted on behalf of the China
Institute of America to bring Chinese students to the United States.
Luce and his wife were very close to the ruling Chinese Soong family,
whose corrupt activities helped the rise of Communism. When Chiang
Kai-shek's army was defeated, Luce's China Lobby united John Foster
and Allen Dulles, the Rockefeller family, Thomas Lamont, and Cardinal
Spellman to push for American assistance. Chiang lost credibility as his
army was defeated in one battle after another and he and his family
looted three hundred million dollars of American funds. But Chiang
would not lose the support of Luce, who was still rabid that Mao Tse-tung had beaten Chiang. Time magazine would constantly play up the
Nationalist cause.
Mao Tse-tung was a Yale student, perhaps as a result of Luce's China
efforts. The Yale Divinity School had established a number of "branch"
schools in China, and Mao was their most famous student. Although he
was not tapped for the Skull and Bones, just about every recent ambassador to China was a Bonesman: George Bush, Winston Lord, and James
Lilley, all alumni of the Skull and Bones, all served as ambassador to
China.
With the outspoken Luce leading the way, America was rallied to
take up the French battle in Vietnam as a means of curtailing further
Communist expansion. The result was a long, drawn-out, and expensive
war that took tens of thousands of lives and wreaked havoc on America
by bringing heroin addiction to eighty thousand returning war veterans.9
The China Lobby and the Skull and Bones were firmly behind the
Vietnam War, and they were unfortunately in position to ensure that
the war continued. The so-called best and the brightest, like Bonesmen
McGeorge Bundy, Henry Cabot Lodge, and Dean Acheson (whose son
is a Bonesman), gave bad advice to one president after another, while
Americans wondered how many lives the country would be forced to sacrifice twelve thousand miles away. The issue, however, was greater
than the war itself. The Yale-driven CIA had never stopped fighting and
then supporting the KMT army of Chiang Kai-shek, and soon the war
became a turf battle for blue-chip corporations and drug traffickers
alike.10 The conflict in Vietnam was a source of profits for the corporations that received the greatest amount of business from the war:
Textron's Bell Helicopter Company, chemical firms including Dow
Chemical and Monsanto, which produced Agent Orange and other
defoliants, and construction company Brown and Root, a key backer of
President Johnson.
THE UNITED FRUIT CONNECTION
Just as the debate on Vietnam was decided by a handful, so too would
relations with Latin America be decided by a few. When the opium
business lost its luster, the Russell partners found opportunity elsewhere. Joseph Coolidge, a Russell partner, turned over the marine trade
heritage to his son Thomas Coolidge, who organized United Fruit. The
company started as a banana importer but soon became master of the
so-called banana republics it controlled, owning their railroads and
communications systems.
The Yale blue bloods and their CIA were firmly in control of the
company, which was also doing business with New Orleans mobsters.
Joe Macheca, the reputed boss of organized crime in New Orleans,
merged his shipping line into United Fruit in 1900. His underworld
successor, Charles Matranga, stayed close to United Fruit throughout
his life, and at his funeral United Fruit executives paid their respects.11
The New Orleans mob was then controlled by Carlos Marcello, during
which time it imported morphine and cocaine from Honduras. In the
same year that Marcello took control, the board of directors bought out
its greatest rival, Samuel Zemurray, with stock in its company. A few
years later, when Zemurray became a nuisance as a board of directors
member, Thomas Cabot sacked him.
Later a new challenge emerged. Jacob Arbenz, the democratically elected president of Guatemala, decided the land should be given back
to the people, and so he had the audacity to buy United Fruit's land at
the value the company had stated it was worth.12 United Fruit shareholder John Foster Dulles said the country was under "a Communist type reign of terror" and that America must act.13 Massachusetts
Congressman John McCormack assailed the Guatemalan government
for its attack on his constituents' investment, declaring that 90 percent
of New England's foreign investments were in Latin America.14 Senator
Henry Cabot Lodge, whose family owned stock, led the attack 15 and
was joined by Thomas Cabot and his brother John Moors Cabot, assistant secretary of state.
The United Fruit story was fed to the media and trumped in
Congress, and finally a top executive made the case to the Council on
Foreign Relations. The council hired a lobbyist, Thomas Corcoran, to
act as liaison to the CIA. Tommy the Cork, as he was called, was friends
with Walter Bedell "Beetle" Smith, the CIA director. Corcoran had
served as the legal representative to the CIA's "airline" in Laos and
Vietnam.16 The American intelligence agency actually had a proprietary
airline first called CAT, Civil Air Transport and later dubbed Air
America, that would be the subject of a 1990 movie by the same title.
In 1954 the CIA used Honduras to topple the government of
Guatemala. A series of graft and drug scandals in Honduras brought
down the leadership in the 1970s, but the CIA ensured that Honduras
would be a main staging point for actions in nearby Guatemala and
Nicaragua. When the showdown came with the DEA, which was making the CIA uncomfortable, it was the DEA office that closed.17 Despite
the so-called War on Drugs, the drug-free plan was much less important than the agenda of United Fruit, its shareholders, and the CIA.
THE BUSH CONNECTION
George Bush's best-known He about taxes eclipses his other great He:
"Take my word, this scourge will stop," which was part of his inauguration speech. The amount of American heroin addicts, which dropped from five hundred thousand to two hundred thousand in the years after
Vietnam, rose sharply again after America—through the CIA—lent
assistance to Afghanistan. The CIA backing of the opium growers
fooled few. The president's Strategic Council on Drug Abuse was frustrated enough by the CIA's silence on the issue that it pointed out in a
New York Times editorial that drug use would rise just as it did with the
CIA adventures in Laos. The prediction was correct, as the addict census grew to 450,000 and heroin deaths in New York rose 77 percent.18
A creative form of the Skull and Bones constructive chaos had the
government spending billions to fight a war on drugs and billions more
to jail users, while making the world safe for drug lords from the Afghan
hills to the Golden Triangle of southeast Asia and the Honduran coast.
GEORGE BUSH, GEORGE W.
BUSH, AND DICK CHENEY
The Bush tradition in the Skull and Bones began with George's father,
Prescott, who was a Bonesman and served in Army intelligence. At the
wedding of Prescott Bush and Dorothy Walker, five Bonesmen served
as ushers. Bush family members were close to the Rockefellers and
Harrimans and served on numerous corporation boards. George
Herbert Walker Bush was born and raised in Greenwich, Connecticut,
and schooled at Andover and Yale. With money from the owner of the
Washington Post and connections from family and his Bones cabal,
George headed to Texas to make his fortune.
Bonesman Henry Neil Mallon, one of four Mallons in the group,
gave George the chance to learn the oil business through his company,
Dresser Industries, which had been bought from its founding family by
Mallon with Harriman money. After George's apprenticeship at Dresser
he started his own company, Zapata Oil, with two partners. Zapata Oil
drilled in the eastern Gulf of Mexico. The company's island base in the
Cay Sal Bank would be used for CIA operations against Castro. The Bay
of Pigs invasion in 1961 was actually known as Operation Zapata. Two
vessels used in the operation were Barbara and Houston, the names of
George's new wife and newly adopted home base.19 While it is generally denied, George's CIA career began at this time, and he was
still active in the organization in 1963. He later became director of the
CIA.
George W. Bush's career went according to the same game plan as
his father's with the exception of CIA involvement. George W. went to
Yale, was a member of the Skull and Bones, worked in the oil business,
and then moved into politics. In the 2000 presidential race he picked
Richard Bruce Cheney as his running mate. Although the soon-to-be
vice president was not a Bonesman, there are nine Cheney's in the
membership list of the Skull and Bones. The Cheney ancestor who
came to America in 1667 landed in Massachusetts, entitling the family
to be counted among the blue bloods. Like George H.W. Bush, Cheney
was connected to military intelligence, and he was a strong supporter of
Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North. Cheney was even George's secretary
of defense during Operation Desert Storm. Cheney too went to Texas,
where he became the head of Halliburton, an oil-drilling company that
bought Dresser Industries in 1998 under his tenure as boss. The company's Brown and Root subsidiary remains an important campaign
donor, now to Republican candidates rather than to Democrats, and a
beneficiary of large government contracts.
THE BONES AND
THE OCTOBER SURPRISE
In November 1980 President Jimmy Carter, who had so far survived
two assassination attempts and the intrigues of a powerful machine he
could not fully comprehend, lost the presidential election. The powers
that were had thrown their weight behind the charismatic Ronald
Reagan and Bonesman George Bush. But what the Republicans feared
the most was that the hostage situation in Iran would end just before
the election. Despite the constant mismanagement by the Carter White
House, a last-minute release of the American hostages, the "October
Surprise," could spike Carter's popularity enough to carry the election.
The conspiracy theory covered in numerous books tells the story
of George Bush, fellow Bonesman Senator John Heinz III, and a handful of intelligence operatives flying to Spain to meet with members of
Iran's government. The deal was that Iran would hold the hostages until
after the election in exchange for arms. This deal would also start the
strange Oliver North-Iran-Contra Affair that was unearthed years later.
After the election, a series of murders and strange deaths began that
included Reagan's campaign manager and spymaster William Casey;
Amaram Nir, an Israeli officer; arms dealer Cyrus Hashemi 20; and
broadcast journalist Jessica Savitch. In a remarkable coincidence,
Senators John Heinz and John Tower were killed in separate plane
crashes within hours of each other, in April 1991. Both were allegedly
connected to the October Surprise. And both were powerful men in
the Senate.
The father of Senator Heinz was John Heinz II, who was a Skull
and Bones member in 1931. John III, prince of the Heinz ketchup
company fortune, married Teresa Simoes Ferreira, who was born of a
Portuguese family in Mozambique, which at the time was still a colony.
Ferreira, a board member of the Carnegie Institute, a member of the
Brookings Institute, and a member of the Council on Foreign
Relations, suddenly inherited a fortune worth $860 million. She then
would marry another senator, Bonesman John Forbes Kerry. John
Kerry, whose ancestors were among the opium pioneers in China,
investigated the Iran-Contra Affair, unearthed Oliver North's private
aid network to the Contras, and exposed the Bank of Commerce and
Credit International (BCCI). He was given credit for his courage in
attacking the mainstream corruption in Washington and intelligence
drug dealing, but others say his investigation stopped short. The coincidences don't.
COINCIDENCE AND THE
JFK ASSASSINATION
The murder of President John Kennedy is a half century old, but many
believe it will never be solved. The first suspicions of foreign involvement, given credence by J. Edgar Hoover and Clare Boothe Luce, were
quickly discredited. Luce had said an anti-Castro agent had called her the day JFK was killed and said Oswald was a Communist.21 The next
victim of suspicion was the American right wing, as allegedly someone
named George Bush tipped off the authorities of the assassination plot.
The next suspects were organized criminals, such as the Mafia, and even
Texas oil producers. Finally, the American CIA took over as the most
likely culprit. Surveys of skeptics of the Warren Commission Report,
which Allen Dulles predicted no one would ever read, indicate that the
CIA was the power behind the conspiracy. One skeptic was Robert
Kennedy, who asked CIA Director John McCone point-blank, "Did
the CIA kill my brother?"22 McCone said no.
A motive for the murder of President Kennedy could be that he
had failed to take back Cuba, and this threatened other Caribbean
islands where United Fruit and a handful of sugar companies reaped the
rewards of exploitative capitalism. Another motive might be that
Kennedy had threatened to end the Vietnam profit center, which
brought fortunes to the numerous blue-blood investments in aviation,
particularly Textron, which owned Bell Helicopter, and the Brown and
Root construction company, which had provided Lyndon B. Johnson
with his campaign war chest. This chapter will not attempt to solve the
mystery of the Kennedy assassination, but it will try to shed light on
some of the awkward coincidences that authors of the Warren
Commission Report, such as Kennedy haters Earl Warren and Allen
Dulles, believed no one would ever read.[The hit on JFK has its origin in the Middle East and involved a certain countries nuclear program DC]
The conspiracy as traced by the Warren Commission may have
started when a young marine named Lee Harvey Oswald, who had
contact with the Office of Naval Intelligence, started studying Russian
while stationed in a high-security base in Japan, and then left the
marines and defected to Russia.23 In Russia the soldier was treated well,
was given an apartment and a job, and was able to get married. He also
had his picture taken with an American "tourist," Marie Hyde, who said
she became lost while on her tour, a near impossibility in the 1960s
Cold War Russia.
The defector, who had been suspected of passing information on
the U-2 flights to his Russian hosts, returned home without even a slap on the wrist from his government. Instead he was given a loan by the
government to buy a home with his Russian bride. He then got a series
of jobs, with at least one requiring a security clearance. He also met
George DeMohrenschildt, who was connected in the oil business and
knew both George Bush and Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy.
DeMohrenschildt introduced Oswald to Michael Ralph Paine and
Ruth Hyde Paine, both of whom belonged to the United World
Federalists, which was started by Cord Meyer of the CIA.
Another member of Meyer's United World Federalists was Priscilla
Johnson. Supposedly turned down for a CIA job because of her membership in United World Federalists, Johnson nevertheless turned up in
Russia and met Oswald.24 Michael Paine's mother was Ruth Forbes
Paine, of the same family whose ships carried opium to China in the
nineteenth century. Ruth Paine's brother, William Forbes, was on the
board of United Fruit. On his father's side, Michael's ancestors include
Cabots, one of whom is a cousin who sat on the board of directors of
United Fruit. Michael's wife, also named Ruth, was the daughter of
William Avery Hyde. She was close to her husband's family, and in July
1963 went to Naushon Island, the Forbes kingdom off Woods Hole, to
visit her mother-in-law, Ruth.
Mother Ruth's best friend, Mary Bancroft, was not only in the CIA
but was also involved in a long-term relationship with Allen Dulles.
Bancroft wrote all about her twenty-year affair in her autobiography,
My Life as a Spy. Bancroft's father was elected mayor of Cambridge four
times and was president of the Boston Elevated Railway. Her stepmother's stepfather was Clarence Walker Barron, who published Barron's
and the Wall Street Journal. Bancroft's first husband worked as chief of
United Fruit in Cuba, and her daughter married the son of Bonesman
and Senator Robert Taft.25
When Ruth Paine, wife of Michael, returned from Naushon, the
Paines took in young Lee Harvey Oswald and his Russian wife, Marina.
Ruth found her adopted defector a job in the Texas School Book
Depository. Ruth and Michael also provided a key piece of evidence
that would help convict their new friend, should the police department protect Oswald long enough to get him to trial. In a declassified document, an informant describes a phone call Michael made to Ruth right
after the shooting, with Michael saying he didn't believe Oswald was
involved and that "we both know who is responsible."
26
Why would Robert Kennedy ask if the CIA killed his brother? The
CIA had caused the biggest blunder of John Kennedy's short presidency, the Bay of Pigs invasion. It caused Kennedy to dump Allen
Dulles, who advised for the operation, and threaten to smash the CIA
into a million pieces. And it was also surprising when the committee set
up to investigate the murder of the president was made up of Earl
Warren, who was beholden to the Teamsters, whom Robert Kennedy
had investigated; Gerald Ford, who was also beholden to the Teamsters;
and Allen Dulles. The CIA was a natural suspect in the assassination.
The greatest piece of evidence in the Warren Commission investigation was what became known as the Zapruder film, which was
quickly bought by Luce's Time/Life Corporation. The film showed
President Kennedy's head snap in a way that could be caused only by a
bullet from the right front. It was made to appear that the President's
head was falling forward indicating a shot from the rear, which meant
that the frames in the film were reversed.27 Later this reversal of frames
was said to be an accident.
After the Warren Commission fell out of favor with the thinking
public, other commissions were set up to investigate the CIA and the
growing amount of political assassinations in America. The newer evidence pointed to the involvement of intelligence in the Kennedy assassination, and forensic evidence showed the improbability of there being
a single shooter. It is more likely that a two- or three-man hit team had
been in place. Marita Lorenz testified that she was part of the operation
and named two of the CIA operatives and a number of Cubans who
were also involved. In her short and remarkable life, Lorenz had been a
lover of Fidel Castro and then part of the CIA Operation 40 plot to kill
him. At that time she was "dating" Venezuelan dictator Marcos Perez Jimenez, whose government was so corrupt that even the Roman
Catholic Church took issue with it.28 How did Lorenz survive to testify? Her mother was Alice June Lofland, a cousin of Henry Cabot
Lodge,29 and she worked for the NSC.30 Lorenz testified to the Select
Committee on Assassinations about the Operation 40 plot against the
president: "From the time I rejoined Operation 40 ... all I heard was
'We're going to get Kennedy.' "31 She said no one would murder her
because of her mother's "power in the National Security Agency."32
Among the series of strange deaths that took place shortly after JFK
was murdered was that of Mary Pinchot Meyer, the ex-wife of Cord
Meyer. Pinchot Meyer was murdered while walking along the
Chesapeake and Ohio towpath. Georgetown murders are rare, but this
one included some very strange circumstances and was never solved.
Cord Meyer was the Yale-educated CIA agent who was linked to
Ruth and Michael Paine through the United World Federalists, which
he had founded before Dulles brought him into the CIA. Pinchot
Meyer had been having an affair with JFK. Meyer was one of the most
influential people in the CIA. Just after Pinchot Meyer's death, the CIA
counterintelligence chief James Jesus Angleton entered her house "with
a key he kept to the place" and took her diary.33,34 Angleton was joined
by Ben Bradlee of the Washington Post, who was Pinchot Meyer's
brother-in-law.
Although a series of unlikely coincidences, no matter how suspicious, cannot be conclusive evidence of a conspiracy, it does suggest
something that exists far from the eyes of the public. The coincidences
point to an elite handful of interlocking relationships that have a hold
over national affairs—a grip that most citizens could not imagine possible. The coincidences further suggest that the media, in the hands of
such an elite, may stop far short of serious investigative reporting.
That there is a conspiracy is not in doubt; there are numerous conspiracies. An elite class has always been in power and always will be. When
the chauffeur of a Rockefeller pays more in taxes than the man he drives, the will of the elite is in evidence. When the House Select
Committee on Assassinations concludes that the assassinations of
Kennedy and Martin Luther King were conspiracies but nothing further is done, this is more evidence. When officers of the DEA complain
of being told to back off because they are causing a problem for the
CIA, this gives evidence that a higher power that goes unchecked is in
control.
The fact that a nation allows itself to be ruled by an elite class has
become old news to those being ruled, and has become a given to those
who do not need to aspire to power because it is already theirs.
The story of the night that George W Bush was tapped for entry in
the Skull and Bones is told in Bill Minutaglio's First Son. George was
not sure he wanted the rigor of meeting with fellow Bonesmen two
nights a week. He was already born into wealth and, thanks to his
father, into power. George told a fellow classmate that he would rather
join "Gin and Tonic." His father, probably anticipating his son's doubt,
knocked on his door at 8 P.M. and told young George that it was time
to do the right thing, to become a "good man." George accepted.35
source
Notes
Chapter 16
1. Phillips, p. 13.
2. Nelson W Aldrich, Old Money: The Mythology of Wealth in America (New
York:
Allworth Press, 1996), p. 61.
3. Ibid., p. 13.
4. Morison, The Maritime History of Massachusetts, p. 23.
5. Ibid., p. 27.
6. Ibid., p. 154.
7. Ibid., p. 167.
8. Harriet H. Robinson, "Early Factory Labor in New England" (Boston: Wright
& Potter, 1883), pp. 380-92, from the Web site of the Massachusetts Bureau of
Statistics of Labor, http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/robinsonlowell.html.
9. Page Smith, The Rise of Industrial America: A People's History of the PostReconstruction Era (New York: Penguin, 1990), p. 221.
10. Booth, chapter 9.
11. Thom Metzger, The Birth of Heroin and the Demonization of the Dope Fiend
(Port
Townsend, Wash.: Loomponics Unlimited, 1998), p. 132.
12. Edward, Marshall, NewYork Times,"The Story of the Opium Fight," March 12,
1911, from Schaffer Library of Drug Policy Web site, http://www.druglibrary.
org/schaffer/.
13. Metzger, p. 176.
Chapter 17
1. Jonathan Vankin, Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes (New York: Dell, 1992),
p. 234.
2. Ron Rosenbaum, The Secret Parts of Fortune (NewYork: HarperCollins, 2000),
p.l.
3. Robin W. Winks, Cloak and Gown, Scholars in the Secret War 1939-1961
(New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), p. 15.
4. Ibid., p. 96.
5. Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, Wise Men, Six Friends and the World They
Made (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1986), pp. 80-2.
6. Antony Sutton, America's Secret Establishment: An Introduction to the Order of
Skull
and Bones (Billings, Mont.: Liberty House Press, 1983), p. 8.
7. Joel Bainerman, Inside the Covert Operations of the CIA and Israel's Mossad
(New
York: SPI Books, 1994), p. 164.
8. Ralph G. Martin, Henry & Clare: An Intimate Portrait of the Luces (New York:
Putnam, 1991), p. 61.
9. Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair, Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the
Press (NewYork: Verso, 1998), p. 238.
10. McCoy, pp. 162-73.
11. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine, Politics, Drugs, Armies and
the
CIA in Central America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), p. 52.
12. Stephen Schlesinger and Stephen Kinzer, Bitter Fruit: The Untold Story of the
American Coup in Guatemala (New York: Doubleday, 1982), p. 76.
13. Ibid., p. 11.
14. Ibid., p. 72.
15. Ibid., pp. 82-4.
16. Ibid., pp. 90-2.
17. Scott and Marshall, p. 57.
18. Cockburn and St. Clair, pp. 259-61.
19. L. Fletcher Prouty, JFK, the CIA, Vietnam and the Plot to Assassinate John F
Kennedy (New York: Carol Publishing Group, 1992), pp. 131-2.
20. Vankin, pp. 182-4.
21. Gaeton Fonzi, The Last Investigation (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press,
1994).
pp. 52-3.
22. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., Robert Kennedy and His Time, (New York:
Ballatine,
1978), p. 665.
23. Groden and Livingstone, pp. 160-1
24. John Newman, Oswald and the CIA (New York: Carroll and Graf, 1995), pp.
61-7.
25. Martin, pp. 264-5.
26. Fonzi, p. 10.
27. Fonzi, p. 217.
28. Gerard Colby with Charlotte Dennett, Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the
Amazon—Nelson Rockefeller and Evangelism in the Age of Oil (New York:
Harper
Collins, 1995) p. 312.
29. Marita Lorenz, Marita (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1993), p. 33.
30. Ibid., p. 58.
31. Ibid., p. 127.
32. Ibid., p. 168.
33. Timothy Leary,"The Murder of Mary Pinchot Meyer," The Rebel (November
22, 1983).
34. Burton Hersh, The Old Boys: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA
(New
York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1992), p. 358.
35. Bill Minutaglio, First Son: George W. Bush and the Bush Family Dynasty (New
York: Random House, 1999), pp. 103-5.
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