Part 5:Drugging America...DEA Complicity in Drugging America

Drugging America 

A Trojan Horse 

By Rodney Stich

CHAPTER SIX 

DEA Complicity in Drugging America 

Federal control of drugs goes back many years. The Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN) was established in 1930. Another agency to fight drugs was established in 1966, the Bureau of Drug Abuse Control (BDAC) within the Food and Drug Administration. In 1968, the FBN and BDAC were consolidated into the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD) in the Department of Justice. In 1970 Congress passed the Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act that consolidated various drug-control legislation. Title II of the Act was known as the Controlled Substance Act (CSA) and this gave Congress the authority to regulate interstate commerce relating to drugs. 

This act also placed drugs into various categories based upon the dangers, the potential for abuse, and also a category for legitimate medical use. Other government agencies had drug-related responsibilities, including the U.S. Customs Service and the FBI. In 1973, the various government agencies with drug responsibilities were consolidated in the Department of Justice division known as the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). 

The DEA is the only government agency whose sole function is to fight drugs. U.S. Customs still has this function, but it is combined with other responsibilities and is primarily focused on drugs crossing the borders. Under its dual responsibilities, the FBI retains responsibility for investigating drug related offenses. The responsibilities of the DEA can be listed as follows: 

• Investigation and initiation of prosecution of drug law violators. 
• Coordination of a national drug intelligence system in cooperation with federal, state, local and foreign officials. 
• Enforcement of the Controlled Substances Act. 

DEA Air Wing 

The DEA has an air wing that started in 1971 under the DEA’s predecessor agency, the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs. The Office of Aviation Operations has over 100 aircraft of all sizes. The Air Wing headquarters had been at Addison Airport, north of Dallas, and then moved to Alliance Airport at Fort Worth. 

60-Minutes TV Show on Government

Protected Drug Trafficking 

During a 60-Minutes television program (November 21, 1993) several DEA officials and agents revealed serious problems within the Drug Enforcement Administration. They described the CIA’s smuggling of large quantities of cocaine into the United States, the CIA’s “contacts” with Colombian drug traffickers, and the obstruction of justice by U.S. officials. Robert Bonner, a former head of the Drug Enforcement Administration, and Annabelle Grimm, a DEA agent in Caracas, Venezuela, revealed drug trafficking that was protected against prosecution by Justice Department and DEA officials. 

In one instance described by Bonner and Grimm, over 2,200 pounds of cocaine were brought into the United States with the help of the CIA’s station chief, James Campbell and CIA agent Mark McFarlin. Bonner and Grimm explained how CIA agents blocked DEA agents from stopping the shipment by going directly to the CIA’s top command in Washington. 

Appearing on the show with Bonner and Grimm was General Ramon Guillen Davila of the Venezuelan National Guard, explaining that drugs were regularly shipped into the United States by the CIA. He described a 3,300-pound load that was so huge it would not fit into the Boeing 707 cargo door. He stated that the drug trafficking was approved by the CIA. He also stated that he had immunity and therefore was able to appear on the 60 Minutes program without being arrested.

Ooops—Sorry, A Mistake 

The CIA, made aware of the 60-Minutes show ahead of time, issued a statement on November 1993 implying that the drug shipment was an accident rather than an intentional act (New York Times, November 20, 1993). Many people, and much planning, were required to smuggle this huge quantity of nearly pure cocaine into the United States and bring about its sale; it was no accident! My CIA contacts laughed at the CIA’s excuse. They recognized that the 3,300 pounds of cocaine was only a small part of the drugs the CIA smuggles into the United States every year. [If me or you tried to bring that much coke into the country and got caught,we would never see the light of day again DC]

Grimm described the huge warehouse in Caracas used by the CIA to store the drugs before shipment to the United States. Guillen explained how the CIA conspired with Venezuelan officials to bring drugs into the United States in CIA-controlled aircraft. At that time, Guillen was head of a joint CIA/Venezuelan task force responsible for preventing drug trafficking. 

The State Department chief responsible for overseeing international narcotics matters, Melvin Levitsky, explained that an indictment against General Guillen would require the United States to cut off aid to Venezuela, and therefore no charges would be filed. Much of the world’s coca, from which cocaine is obtained, is grown in Bolivia, Peru, and Venezuela, and constitutes a major part of their income. This fact is no secret to the CIA, and the CIA relies upon these countries for much of the cocaine that it smuggles into the United States. 

Mainstream Media Blackout 

on the Serious Charges 

Very few newspapers reported anything about the serious charges made on the 60 Minutes show despite the national impact and the grave implications of high-level government involvement in a practice responsible for a major share of the crime and murders in the United States.[And this is why the country is like it is,not enough people have come to understand that we do not have a free press,and that the MSM we have is driven by the State DC] 

Standard Excuses Used 

for Obstructing Justice 

The standard CIA excuse, when questioned about its drug smuggling, is that it is a sting operation, or the actions of a rogue agent, or to obtain information about drug smugglers. DEA agent Grimm said that these explanations were “ludicrous.” When Justice Department officials were questioned, they replied that there was “no evidence of criminal wrongdoing.” Justice Department officials said their investigation “Revealed instances of poor judgment and management, leading to disciplinary actions for several CIA officers.” 

The CIA tried to show that it took corrective action when this multimillion-dollar drug shipment was discovered, stating that one CIA officer resigned, and a second had been disciplined. Surely they should face something other than a resignation or forced retirement! The CIA station chief involved in the massive drug trafficking, James Campbell, was promoted and then retired. Not a single government employee responsible for bringing this huge quantity of drugs into the United States was punished. 

Many people implicated in a drug sale, even as little as the size of an M&M, or who were present when others were talking about drug sales, have been sentenced to many years in federal prison. Surely, a government official, in a position of trust, who commits a similar offense, should receive a greater sentence. A government official, responsible for several million times the amount of drugs ordinary drug traffickers deal with, under the law, should receive a similar life sentence. 

“I Think They Made A Mistake,” 

Lapdog DeConcini Said 

When asked by Mike Wallace of 60 Minutes about the CIA drug smuggling, Senator Dennis DeConcini, replied, “I think they made a mistake.” DeConcini helped protect the massive looting of the savings and loans, and covered up the criminal activities that I reported to him over a period of many years. DeConcini did admit that the “mistake” allowing over a ton of cocaine to reach the United States “can kill people, and probably did.” The senator, a former prosecutor, excused the failure to prosecute any of the CIA people responsible for bringing in the 3,300 pounds of cocaine, a tiny fraction of which would cause an ordinary citizen to be imprisoned for life. 

“Biggest, Whitest, and Deadliest 

Ever Perpetrated on U.S. 

Citizens by Their Government.” 

Michael Levine, a twenty-five-year veteran of the Drug Enforcement Administration (and prior drug agencies), authored the 1993 book The Big White Lie, exposing the drug trafficking sanctioned by federal officials. The former DEA agent wrote that the so-called war on drugs is the “biggest, whitest, and deadliest lie ever perpetrated on U.S. citizens by their government.” He described how the CIA, the DEA, and other intelligence agencies blocked investigations and prosecution of high-level drug traffickers. Levine described how the CIA was primarily responsible for the drug epidemic as seen from his perspective. 

Levine repeatedly uncovered CIA links to drug trafficking while he was a DEA agent. He discovered the CIA was primarily responsible for the burgeoning drug activity from Central and South America into the United States, and that the biggest drug dealers were CIA assets. He found that federal judges and Justice Department prosecutors dropped the amount of bail for high-level drug traffickers who were CIA assets, allowing them to flee and escape prosecution. 

CIA Supported Drug Traffickers 

Seizure of Bolivian Government 

Levine said the CIA supported drug traffickers who then seized control of the government of Bolivia. He went into detail concerning how the top people involved in drug trafficking, such as the Bolivian government officials, were protected against exposure and prosecution by DOJ personnel because many were CIA assets. 

He wrote that U.S. officials are “afraid the world would find out there wouldn’t be a cocaine government in Bolivia if it wasn’t for the CIA.” He described how senior DEA and Justice Department officials “intentionally destroy drug cases” and put conscientious DEA agents at risk, even causing their deaths. Levine explained how major drug cases involving CIA assets receive little or no media publicity, thereby protecting the CIA’s criminal activities. Levine stated in his book the problem with raiding suspected drug labs. He said that when the site was raided there was evidence of a prior drug lab, but it no longer existed; the drug cartel having been warned of the planned raid. 

Failed Drug Raids 

One of my contacts that worked for the DEA told me why this occurred. Basil Abbott, a DEA contract pilot, would be told about the raid by DEA personnel and instructed to pass this information to his contacts in the foreign government, who would then warn the drug cartels. Abbott said that among the people he warned of impending drug raids were Sonia Atala and her husband, Walter. Levine described the huge drug trafficking by Sonia and Walter Atala and how the CIA, DEA, and the Justice Department protected them. 

Abbott spoke Spanish and had become friends with key government officials throughout South America. During several years of frequent contacts with Abbott, he described the guns that he and other government contract agents flew to Central and South America for the DEA, and the return flights loaded with drugs, often unloading them at the DEA facility north of Dallas at Addison Airport. 

Justice Department Obstruction of Justice 

Levine wrote about the situation that I encountered over a 30-year period, commencing while I was a federal investigator. When Levine sought to expose drug trafficking by CIA and DEA assets, Justice Department personnel harassed him and even threatened to put him in prison on bogus charges. 

DEA And State Department 

Protecting Burma’s Drug Lords 

DEA Agent In Charge, Richard A. Horn, based in Myanmar (formerly Burma), reported the involvement of U.S. officials in drug trafficking and sued former State Department and CIA officials in that Asian nation for subverting his official drug fighting activities (Wall Street Journal, October 27, 1994). Horn’s lawsuit charged that State Department and CIA officials retaliated against him because his exposure of drug traffickers interfered with their protection of the lucrative Burma drug output. Myanmar reportedly produces over half the heroin on the world market. 

Horn charged that the State Department’s chief of mission in Myanmar, Franklin Huddle, Jr., worked with the CIA station chief to sabotage Horn’s anti-drug efforts, and tried to bring about the death of an informant who had been assisting Horn in his activities. 

Wall Street Journal Article 

Reported Similar Conflicts 

Clashes between conscientious government agents and corrupt government personnel are common. A Wall Street Journal report (October 27, 1994) made DEA Complicity in Drugging America 155 reference to various DEA agents whose efforts have been blocked by CIA officials: 

Drug-enforcement agents and CIA officers have clashed in Venezuela, Colombia, Haiti and other countries where military and government officials have been accused of complicity in the drug trade. 

National Security Council, Vice 

President George Bush, and Drugs 

DEA Supervising Agent In Charge, Celerino (Cele) Castillo, had repeatedly reported the large amount of cocaine being smuggled into Florida, Texas, and California by mercenary pilots used by Oliver North. In an interview with The Texas Observer (Associated Press, June 17, 1994), and as written in Castillo’s book on drugs, Powderburns, Castillo stated that he observed large quantities of drugs shipped to the United States through Ilopango Air Force Base in El Salvador. 

He said that in 1986 he reported these findings to his superiors in the DEA and to the U.S. ambassador to El Salvador, Edwin Corr, with no reaction. Castillo stated that he told Vice President George Bush about the drug trafficking during a cocktail party in Guatemala City (1986) and that Bush “just smiled and walked away from me.” 

Castillo said that when the drugs were unloaded at drug transshipment points, CIA-affiliated trucking companies transported the drugs throughout the United States,32 and that organized crime took most of the drugs upon arrival in the United States. 
32 CIA contacts identify some of the CIA-related drug haulers: MNX Trucking; Jayes’ Truck Driver Training School; Jiffey Truck Driver Training School; and Zapata Trucking Company, a division of the Zapata Corporation in Houston.

Supervisor of DEA‘s Air Wing 

Describes DEA Corruption 

For several years I had been communicating with William Coller, formerly a supervisor at the DEA‘s Air Wing based at the Addison Airport north of Dallas, Texas. (It has since been moved to Ross Perot‘s Alliance Airport at Fort Worth.) Coller wrote the DEA’s flight manual, “Flying in Latin America,” and was among the first DEA pilots to fly DEA aircraft into Latin America on undercover operations. 

“If the People Only Knew...” 

Coller brought out another side to the drugs secretly flown into the United States by government agencies and people who seized control of them. In one letter, Coller wrote, “If Congress and the people had any idea of just how rampant the corruption was inside the agency they would be shocked. The corruption is widespread and its extent is known only to those at the highest level of the internal affairs division in DEA headquarters.” He said that despite international law to the contrary, DEA planes were constantly flying without permission into the airspace of other countries. He described how DEA planes flew hundreds of miles into Mexican airspace chasing drug planes and working on undercover operations. Coller described the routine over flying of Colombian airspace by DEA aircraft, stating he did it himself. He described how DEA planes flew at night in and around major airports with their lights off, creating danger of a midair collision. 

He described one flight into Mexico in a DEA Convair 240, landing at an  airport when suddenly armed Mexican units surrounded the plane. All the DEA agents on the plane had guns, which was strictly illegal under Mexican law. The heavy airport security was due to the president of Mexico arriving. The heavily armed DEA agents remained hidden in the plane, avoiding a confrontation. Making this an especially difficult situation, the DEA flight had not received approval from Mexican authorities to fly into Mexico. Mexicans are very conscious of the sovereignty of their nation. 

Bribing Foreign Police to 

Kidnap Local Citizens 

Coller described flying a DEA DC-3 to Haiti to pick up seven people who had been arrested by Haitian police at the request of the DEA, and then flying the kidnapped Haitians to the United States in the middle of the night. The Haitian police were bribed to carry out this illegal international kidnapping. Coller continued: 

I was fed up with the mission, the lies, and the politics. It is an easy jump to go from a government-sanctioned illegal operative (who is doing so many things illegal under the auspices of the government) to one who is operating outside the law—only, this time for himself. 

US government agencies do many illegal things. They illegally enter other countries. They conduct illegal over flights. They spy. They subvert. They lie; they cover up; they plant dope and false information; they install illegal listening devices and illegal beepers; they threaten, and they plot to involve other family members in crimes so that they can convince the main person to plead guilty rather than take the case to court, so that the government will release his wife and children. 

[Fabricating Evidence] 

Agents fabricate and exaggerate evidence. They talk to each other during court when they know they should not. That is, when they were to have been sequestered and ordered by the court not to compare or share testimony with one another. They kill when they shouldn’t. Waco, Ruby Ridge, etc. They beat people and lie about it. They use illegal weapons. They lie on their travel vouchers. They fly illegally equipped aircraft and violate many of the FAA‘s rules, which others would go to jail for if caught. They ruin lives. I have seen the deliberate destruction of property during the execution of search warrants, and the theft of property during search warrants. I have seen it all. 

They will let one smuggler go to catch another one. Or they will ignore, excuse, or pay, one drug smuggling group in exchange for favors concerning spying, terrorist acts, fighting communism, etc. Examples: Sammy the Bull Gravano was excused for 19 murders in exchange for his testimony against Gotti. Revolutionaries in some countries are permitted to harvest and sell their opium in exchange for their cooperation in combating an incumbent government considered hostile to the U.S. interests. Bottom line is that an agency such as the CIA often finds itself pitted against other enforcement agencies with a completely different agenda.

DEA Personnel Paid by Drug 

Cartels to Ignore Drug Activities 

Coller said he was surprised to learn that many DEA resident agents assigned to foreign offices (attaches) would find all types of reasons for not cooperating or assisting with a drug case in their area of responsibility. He said that some of these agents were paid by drug cartels to look the other way, not to make any arrests, and not to make any damaging reports. Coller said that, as in the United States, “Token busts of small people were arranged to make things look good. Cocaine labs, little more than a hole in the ground filled with coca leaves, were discovered and reported so as to make things look good. Staged events.” 

DEA Role in Torture 

Coller said that the DEA agents did not have to commit torture, “The locals did it for us. They used stun guns against Americans. We watched them brutally torture others—usually their own citizens. We often violated U.S. laws barring torture, just by being present, by condoning, and encouraging the practice.” 

Camarena and Coller 

Witness Mexican Torture 

Coller described a torture incident that he and Enrique “Kiki” Camarena witnessed in Mexico. Coller had flown two Mexican federal police officers to an area near Mazatlan looking for a marijuana distribution ring. In a small village they broke into a home and started torturing the father. Coller explained: 

The Mex-feds grabbed the homeowner, stripped him and threw him onto the floor, on his back, naked. One fed held his head, another his feet, while another sat on his chest and began to interrogate him. Another went into the kitchen and mixed up a concoction of soda and peppers in what appeared to be a wine bottle with a long neck. A wet T-shirt was placed over the man’s face and his mouth was stuffed full of some form of cloth. The interrogation continued. 

When the man refused to answer correctly, the Comandante sitting on his check began to slap hiHe held his breath for a while. That is, until the fed holdins face while another poured the liquid mix down his nostrils. g his feet gave him a strong charge of electric current to his testicles with his cattle prod. The subject gasped, drew the lethal mix into his lungs and began to choke violently. A few more slaps and punches. A couple more charges from the prod. 

The man talked. Kiki Camarena was with me when this occurred. I was tempted to write the people who produced “The Camarena Story” to let them know the “other side of the story.” Kiki routinely witnessed such atrocities and eventually died at the hands of another torturer, from the other side. Kiki was one heck of a good agent. A handsome, intelligent, and charismatic man whom I admired. But I’ll never understand why he tried to take on the Mexican traffickers alone. He, better than anyone else, understood the Mexican mentality about such matters and had to know he couldn’t win. They killed him. 

Coller said that Camarena, with whom Coller had worked, often made illegal surveillance flights into Mexico. Coller was told that the United States paid $50,000 to Mexican police to kidnap and turn over to U.S. agents the doctor who participated in Camarena murder. During another conversation with Coller he went into more details about Camarena torture and murder. 

Kiki knew too much about everything. The main story is that he hired a Mexican pilot that flew him around in Mexico locating all the opium, Drugging America—A Trojan Horse 158 poppy, and marijuana fields. He put the heat on certain people, the big guy, Caro Quintero (sp). He’s the guy that was controlling those fields. And he was right next to top ranking Mexicans politicians and officials. And so, Caro Kintero got together with some other people and they hired some acting and past members of the Mexican federal judicial police to kidnap Kiki. Then they took Kiki and his pilot and tortured them both. And that stopped the investigation into a major major big time smuggling operation. 

Coller described how the bodies were dumped on a road and then the excruciating nature of the torture was discovered. Wood sticks had been jammed up into his rectum and internal organs punctured, parts of his skin was ripped off, and other tortures that Latin American police, military and crime groups routinely perpetrate. (Including that which is taught by the CIA’s School of the Americas.) 

Spraying Dangerous 

Chemicals on Foreign Citizens 

Coller described the complaints that people in foreign countries made to him about U.S. spraying of dangerous chemicals on the crops: 

I have been asked, “How would you like it if a group of Bolivian agents came to your town with noisy helicopters and began spraying poisonous chemicals on your crops, in your backyard, on your children? You’d be furious. Well, so are we. You have no business coming to our country spraying us with poison.” To survive those many years in government work meant I had to get my act right. In so doing, I unwittingly poisoned my own mind, lost all I had, and must spend many years locked up. Am I solely to blame? Did the government share in this process of warping my perception of right and wrong? I think so. We were made to believe we were above the law. 

“Drugs were brought into the 

DEA Air Wing headquarters.” 

Contract pilot Basil Abbott told me about flying drugs from Central and South America to the DEA hangar at Addison field. I asked Coller about Abbott‘ s statements and other information that I had received about DEA agents smuggling drugs into the United States. Coller admitted, “Yes, drugs were brought directly into the DEA Air Wing headquarters in Addison, Texas.” 

Government Agents Stealing Part 

of Seized Loads for Themselves 

Coller described how government agents diverted some of the drugs they seized to their own use, knowing that those who had been caught with the drugs would not complain since the smaller amount of drugs often lessened the prison sentence. He described how government agents and confidential informants would set up a crime operation and then induce people to be part of it. In other words, government agents would induce people to commit some type of drug-related offense that they would otherwise not do except for the coaxing and pressure of the agents or their informants. 

Drug Trafficking Through Waco 

Airport—Bigger than Mena 

Referring to the infamous Mena, Arkansas airport, where a great amount of CIA drugs passed during the 1980s, Coller said: 

I can tell you that Mena in no way compares with what’s happening in Waco. Waco is a big, major, heavy-duty, paramilitary operation. They take up one whole side of the Waco operation. Major operations run out of there DEA Complicity in Drugging America 159 with big aircraft to all parts of the world. It is no secret that the spook shop uses Waco. Everyone on the field knows it and speaks about it in hushed voices. 

Coller Explained How the End 

of his DEA Career Occurred 

Coller said that he was arrested while he was a DEA supervisor, doing something that he knew was wrong. He described flying a load of marijuana into a small landing strip on a ranch several miles west of Corpus Christi. Customs undercover agents induced him to fly the marijuana and provided the landing strip for him to use. Customs allowed the first load to hit the street with plans to induce Coller to fly a cocaine load in on the second flight, which would permit them to file more serious charges against him with a life-in prison sentence. 

Coller refused to fly the cocaine load that the undercover agent sought to have him do; Coller felt marijuana was satisfactory, but not hard drugs. Customs even offered to provide their own plane and a pilot to go with him. Again, Coller refused. Satisfied that they could not induce Coller to commit a greater offense, they charged him with trafficking in marijuana. 

In trying to capture him, the government had Coller on their “Top-Ten” list, offering $10,000 reward for information leading to his arrest. He said prosecutors don’t give a second thought to the families that are destroyed when they charge an innocent person or greatly enlarge the charges over what actually existed. 

Using Private Sources Permits 

Committing Unlawful Acts 

Coller explained why the government offered $10,000 reward for his capture, which got bounty hunters into the act. Government agents are more restricted to lawful means to bring about a person’s arrest, but bounty hunters usually violate these protections. Since government personnel are not directly involved in bringing about a person’s capture, they can also say that they did not know or approve of the methods used. This is the same philosophy used by the CIA and other covert operations. By having cutouts, contract agents, or fronts doing the dirty work, the government can always deny any knowledge or authorization in failed or exposed covert operations. Deniability or disavow are the terms used. Coller admitted he did wrong. But he also revealed much of what is wrong elsewhere: 

I can state with certainty that spending many years violating the law in order to enforce the law altered my behavior, changed my perception of right and wrong, all of which led to my violating the law. There are lots of dirty agents for one reason or another. I regret with all my heart that I ever worked for DEA; it is a stupid job. We were vastly overpaid for what little we did. 

It ruins families, it poisons minds, it is a meaningless, misguided enterprise, and when I look back over my life I see nothing that I’m proud of. I did nothing constructive or positive. What I did was put many people in jail for victimless crimes. Realizing now what they all went through, and how many families I destroyed, gives me no satisfaction whatsoever. Like a child, I played cops and robbers at taxpayers’ expense and wasted a good part of my life. We changed nothing. And I sold my soul to the government for nothing. 

Making a Study of Role Reversal 

While in prison, Coller made an intensive study of role reversal among government agents, and studied the work of Professor Albert Bandura of Stanford University, believed to be the world’s leading authority in the field of cognitive psychology. Coller wrote a 23-page treatise on how a government agent’s behavior is affected by the type of undercover work he does. Coller wrote about the many years of undercover work he did for the DEA, including the lying, perjury, unlawful and corrupt activities requested by government prosecutors. 

Transfer of Values 

He wrote of the transfer of values when, as a DEA agent, he acted like a smuggler to catch smugglers. He associated with Mexican police while they tortured their own citizens. He led a life of deception. He cited studies showing how government agents in these positions take on the identity of the groups they are infiltrating. He described the problems that “develop when agents with the CIA or DEA for example are trained and programmed to perform antisocial, subversive or illegal acts,” and how this changes their behavior and thinking. 

Witness the Donny Brasco affair in which the FBI’s deep-cover agent began to identify with his Mafia targets. He lost his identity, committed many crimes, and was protected from the legal consequences so that the FBI could continue using him as a witness. 

Executioners for the Government 

They become desensitized to “behavior that is dangerous, repugnant, even illegal.” His treatise compared the changes to the psychological treatment the CIA had conducted years ago to alter the behavior of certain individuals. It is a form of brainwashing. He cited studies showing how behavioral changes take place in such people as Navy Seals, Army Rangers, Special Forces soldiers, CIA operatives, and DEA agents who become “executioners for the government.” He described how outrageous behavior is justified under such high sounding terms as “freedom, democracy, police action, or the war on drugs.” 

Role Reversal for Government 

Agents: Acting Like Criminals 170s

Coller described how undercover agents of various agencies become so involved in their work that they unwittingly poison their minds and become like the people they are working against. Dr. Michel Girodo, psychologist for the FBI, has written about this extensively. Coller explained and repeated some of Dr. Girodo’s writings: 

Our government has trained thousands of undercover operatives. Many of them, particularly those on the front line with DEA and CIA; those who specialize in undercover operations, do change. They destroy their own minds in the process. Right and wrong get mixed up. Black and white are replaced with various shades of gray. 

The street always rubs off on the agent; it is never the other way around. The wrongfulness of certain acts no longer registers because many of these agents have been living a “lie” and violating the law in order to enforce the law. They become desensitized to their own misconduct and sometimes lose their identity. Few people realize how bad it is. The bottom line is that our government is steadily creating hundreds of rogue cops by teaching them the tradecraft of lies and then paying and rewarding them for such illegal behavior. 

These agents will never be the same. They will never look at life normally. Under a very thin veneer of civility lies a rogue warrior in all of us who have been subjected to the big government school of smugglers, liars, subversives, and cheats. One simply cannot play that kind of game, live that kind of lie, behave as a criminal, and not be affected. Their families see the changes. 
 [Unlawfully Seizing Aircraft 
and Other Assets] 
Illegal aircraft seizure happens when agencies fabricate evidence. A case I am familiar with went like this: The agent looked through the aircraft window and could see nothing [to justify searching the aircraft]. He broke into the plane anyhow, making an illegal search without a warrant, looking for evidence. He saw what appeared to be a marijuana seed. The seed was repositioned so that it could be seen from outside the window. Other agents were brought to look at it. All seemed to think that it looked like a seed. 

A warrant to search the plane was obtained and a search ensued. Nothing could be found, so a vacuum was brought in and the carpet of the plane was vacuumed. Three seeds were found. (One turned out to be a small stone that looked like a seed.) The two seeds and a spoon full of dust were sent to the DEA lab and they determined through sophisticated testing that, indeed, there must have been marijuana in the plane at one time. 

The plane was a twin-engine Piper Seneca. It was seized. The owner went to court and contested the seizure. Agents testified that they saw the seed through the window. It never came out that the seed had been positioned to be seen before other agents arrived. 51/1000ths of a gram of so called marijuana residue was found. 

The law does not specify how much dope must be found; only that drugs were found in the plane. The seizure was upheld by the court and the person lost the plane. The entire affair was bogus. That is often how it works. The courts in their mistaken belief that agents tell the truth, believed them. The law itself is horrible in that it allows such abuse of power. One must always remember that agents believe that “the end justifies the means.”

[Turning These Creatures 
Loose Upon Society] 
The government trains and employs thousands of undercover operatives in a wide variety of its agencies. DEA, ATF and CIA are among the worst offenders. But all the other agencies suffer from the same problem: FBI, IRS, Customs, and agents of the various military intelligence agencies. The government creates these undercover creatures and turns them loose on society. Our own citizenry becomes victim to these often ruthless operatives, whose minds have been poisoned and whose tactics are bound only by their imagination. 

Fearful of Being Rearrested 

As with most released prisoners, it is very easy to be rearrested. Many rights enjoyed by other people do not exist for released prisoners, and any minor “infraction” gives government agents the opportunity to put someone back in prison, which it appears they enjoy doing. Coller wrote: 

I’ll be out of here in six weeks. The cops are already expecting me and will probably try to set me up. I told you that back in 1990 Customs agents tried to entice me into flying a load of cocaine for them, which would have resulted in a life sentence for me! It was their idea; their dope; their plan. All I had to do was agree to fly it and I would have been hit for life. In fact, I would not have needed to even make the flight; just agree to do it. It was that close. [The same southwest Customs region had Richard Pitt and Rodney Matthews flying drugs for them, as described in other pages.] 

Coller was released from prison on March 1, 1999. Coller had been arrested and convicted in 1992 and spent seven years in prison. He vowed to never again get near drugs. As with many others whose names appeared in my books, they broke off all communications, strongly suggesting that government agents threatened them with retaliation if they ever again provided me any information. 

DEA Drug Trafficking and 

Murder in Mexico? 

Another bizarre side to the DEA‘s involvement in drugs was explained to me in 1998 by Rumaldo Solis, who was a 15-year veteran of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Services (INS) until he discovered a very serious matter involving DEA drug trafficking and murder in Mexico. His attempts to have that investigated caused him to lose his job and to be falsely charged with a drug offense and sentenced to prison. 

Solis was on duty at Port Hidalgo, Texas, when a series of events started unfolding that had profound international implications and would disrupt, if not destroy, his family. The events started one night while on duty when several Mexican nationals came to his office and reported the corrupt involvement of U.S. government personnel in drugs. 

The spokesman for the group was a Mexican national by the name of Garcia. Because Solis was himself formerly a Mexican citizen, the Garcia felt confident revealing what he did. Speaking in Spanish, Garcia described in great detail a drug trafficking operation and murder at a mountainous airstrip near Los Mochis, Mexico involving a DEA agent. (Los Mochis is located along the Eastern Shore of the Gulf of California.) 

Hired in Los Mochis 

Garcia described how he, his brother, and several other Mexicans were hired in Los Mochis by a Mexican national who identified himself as the “capataz” (Mexican for foreman or supervisor). The capataz was hiring men to transfer cargo between aircraft at a remote mountain airstrip about two hours drive from Los Mochis. 

At the airstrip, the cargo handlers off-loaded cocaine and marijuana from aircraft arriving from Colombia and other South American locations onto aircraft and 18-wheeler trucks going to the United States. They also off-loaded from aircraft arriving from the United States pallets of money and 55-gallon drums of chemicals for processing cocaine. 

DEA Drug Smuggling 

Operation in Mexico 

Garcia described the day that transfer of drugs between planes was delayed until the arrival of an aircraft from the United States. When that plane arrived, three people jumped from it and headed to a nearby warehouse. As one of them jumped, his wallet fell from his pocket, without being noticed. This wallet was picked up by Garcia’s brother, who then went into a nearby storage area and looked at the contents. He and several other cargo handlers saw a government identification card stating, “Drug Enforcement Administration” on one side and on the other side a picture and name of a DEA agent: George Cons. 

Missing Wallet Discovered 

Garcia said that when the DEA agent discovered his wallet missing, the foreman ordered the cargo handlers to stand facing a wall, after which they were searched. It was found in the pocket of Garcia’s brother. At that point, Garcia said, sobbing, the DEA agent pulled out a pistol and shot his brother in the back of the head, killing him instantly. The foreman than ordered the cargo handlers to bury the body. 

Making Their Escape 

The laborers were heavily guarded to keep them from escaping, possibly to prevent information being revealed about the drug trafficking operation or the murder. About three months later, several of the laborers escaped, making their way to the INS station at Port Hidalgo, near Brownsville, Texas, where Solis was on duty. The distraught and crying Garcia, who has lost his brother, described in detail the drug smuggling operation and the killing. 

Mexican Drugs Going to United 

States via Planes and Trucks 

Garcia described what happened the day his brother was killed. He described how the cargo handlers overheard conversations indicating the destination of some of the drugs going to the United States via U.S.-based aircraft and 18-wheeler trucks. They overheard truck drivers referring to a company known as “FRUTIKO,” which Solis understood to be a Japanese company with plants along the Mexican border that processed frozen fruit and shipped it in 55- gallon drums. These products were then shipped into the United States via various border crossings, including Reynosa Tamalpias, where Solis was on duty. 

After listening to the description of the drug-smuggling operation, Solis called DEA Special Agent Gary Morrison in nearby McAllen, Texas, explaining what he was told. Morrison advised he would be there within an hour. 

Acting as translator during the interview, Solis made notes of what he was being told. Garcia stated that various types and sizes of aircraft went through this remote airstrip, including corporate and airline types. Solis said that Garcia told him the planes arriving from South America had registration numbers on the side starting with the letters HK and XA, among others. He said some of the planes were painted green and the pilots of the planes coming from the south were Hispanic and Anglo American. 

EPIC Inquiry 

During the interview, Morrison contacted the central record office at El Paso, Texas, called the El Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC )33 and made an “Epics” inquiry. This confirmed that a George Cons was a DEA agent assigned to the Arizona area. 
33 EPIC, or the El Paso Intelligence Center, houses members of most of the large law enforcement agencies, including the DEA, FBI, Customs, FAA, Coast Guard, ATF. It is designed so that a government agent can make one call and find information pertaining to a particular individual or group, or any other matter relating to law enforcement.

Start Of DEA and Multi 

Agency Cover-Up 

Despite the enormous sensitivity of the information provided, Morrison instructed Solis to tell the Mexicans to go back to Mexico and that they would be called if needed. As a trained and highly experienced investigator, Solis recognized this was the beginning of a cover-up. An investigator doesn’t tell such an important witness in such an important matter of national magnitude to leave the country, where the witness would most probably not be available again, and where he would probably be murdered to silence him. 

Solis made notes during the interview, writing down the names and addresses of the witnesses. Before leaving his office that night, Solis made a copy of his notes, leaving the original in his office mail box, in the presence of DEA agent Gary Morrison, and put a copy in the glove compartment of his car. 

Missing Report 

Upon returning to his office the next morning, Solis discovered his report had been removed and in its place was a copy of a drug trafficker’s Mexican birth certificate from the State of Tamalpias, Mexico. Solis felt whoever took his notes was leaving him a message: back off! 

Using his copy of the notes, Solis typed a report, which he then took to the port director, Hilda Trevino. In the office with Trevino was recently retired port director Herb Best. Solis described to them the contents of the report and his interview the night before. 

Keeping the Issue Alive 

When Solis did not hear anything further on his highly explosive report, he made several inquiries of his supervisors about the status of any investigation. He started receiving warnings from INS and DEA personnel that it would be in his best interest to forget about it, which he refused to do. He continued to question the lack of activity on the matter. 

FBI Agent Warning Solis 

to Forget the Matter 

When Solis refused to remain quiet, he started receiving anonymous telephone threats. Government personnel warned him to remain quiet. (Reminds me of old times in the Federal Aviation Administration !) FBI Special Agent Orlando Munoz from the McAllen office visited Solis in early 1993, warning Solis that he had been told “too many times to shut up and forget the whole affair.” Threatening a government agent to prevent him from reporting a federal crime is a criminal act under Title 18 USC Sections 1905, 1912, and 1913. 

Start of FBI Retaliation Against Solis 

Munoz, acting under U.S. Attorney Melissa Annis, obtained court authorization to put a recording device on Solis’ home phone, giving false information to Chief District Judge Norman Black to justify the court order. Munoz claimed that Solis was a nephew to major drug trafficker Juan Garcia Abrego. 

In December 1994, FBI Special Agent William Vanderland obtained a search warrant for Solis residence and carried out a typical blunderbuss attack on his home, breaking down the door to carry out the search rather than knock. Solis’ son, clad only in his underwear, had a large-caliber gun put to his head by FBI Special Agent Lamar Pruit, who then ordered the young boy outside the house. 

Three FBI agents in the paramilitary force from the McAllen office, Orlando Munoz, William Vanderland and Charles C. Gregorski, searched Solis’ residence and seized his records, including his copy of the report about the DEA drug smuggling operation and murder in Mexico. 

FBI and U.S. Attorney Team 

Fabricated Charges 

Acting in typical unison, FBI agents and the U.S. Attorney fabricated charges, accusing Solis of drug-related offenses and using a government computer to facilitate drug smuggling. The DEA stayed out of the prosecution, preventing Solis from claiming retaliation for having reported the DEA drug smuggling operation. 

Attorneys Protecting Their 

Government Relationship 

Trying to obtain competent and trustworthy legal counsel against the charges, Solis went through three attorneys, each of whom sought to protect close relationships with government attorneys by urging Solis to plead guilty. One attorney even threatened Solis’ family when Solis objected to pleading guilty. However, one of Solis’ attorneys requested from the DEA a copy of the report that Solis had written that had been sent by Gary Morrison to the DEA internal affairs in Washington. The response came back that the report was lost. 

Caving in to Government Corruption 

During the jury trial with a lackadaisical public defender, the federal judge refused to allow Solis to present government witnesses. After the prosecutor threatened to charge Solis’ wife with criminal offenses, Solis caved in and pled guilty to one count. 

Family Breakup Following Attempts 

to Report Drug Offenses 

Solis described how his family suffered following his arrest and incarceration. Their “friends” no longer wanted anything to do with them. Government threats and harassment caused his daughter to have a miscarriage. His son was forced to drop out of college. Solis’ insurance company canceled his auto and home insurance because he was convicted of a felony. Financial chaos followed. 

Useless Appeals to Congressional 

and Media Checks & Balances 

Solis sent many letters to members of Congress and to the media, describing the DEA drug smuggling and the killing of a Mexican in Mexico by a DEA agent. No response. He sent a May 4, 1998 letter to Congresswoman Maxine Waters and got back a form letter thanking him for his information. (I had first contacted Waters in the mid-1980s while she was a California state representative. Except for her loud rhetoric, her refusal to use documented evidence of government agents hasn’t changed to this day.) Solis wrote to his Washington representative from Texas, Solomon Ortiz, and received no response. The congressional indifference and cover-ups that Solis encountered were the same reaction encountered by countless other government agents who at risk to themselves sought to bring high-level government corruption to the attention of those having a responsibility to act. 

Notifying Mexican Officials of U.S. Drug Trafficking and Murder The criminal activities Solis reported had serious international ramifications that should have been of major interest to the Mexican government. Solis wrote letters to Mexican officials describing the DEA‘s drug operation in Mexico and the killing of one of their own citizens in Mexico by a U.S. agent. None responded. 

Mexican Journalist Responded

Followed by His Death 

In March 1997, Solis reported the DEA‘s crimes to Mexican journalist Benjamin Flores Gonzales, a reporter for La Prensa in the Sonora area of San Juan Rio Colorado. Flores started investigating the Solis matter, trying to find the Mexicans who had gone to the Port Hidalgo station. Flores’ activities constituted a threat to the DEA’s drug smuggling operation. 

The fatal bullets came on July 15, 1997. Flores was gunned down outside his office in San Juan Rio Colorado, killed by nearly two dozen bullets from an AK-47 into his back and face. That ended the investigation into the DEA drug smuggling operation. Ironically, when I received a Mexican newspaper article describing his death, the same article described the killing of another person described within these pages, Esteban Borges Figeroa, whose death was brought about by Justice Department sabotage. 

Mexican Governor Accused DEA 

of Protecting Drug Cartels 

Solis called the governor of the Mexican state of Sonora, Manlo Flavio Beltrones, at Hermosillo, and spoke to his secretary, Rosie. Solis said that an explanatory letter was on its way. Beltrones never acted on Solis’ information. A few days later, Beltrones accused the DEA of protecting a major Mexican drug smuggling group, the Amado Carrillo Fuentes organization, and furnishing them with information to protect their drug operations. 

Joint Mexican-U.S. Drug Involvement? 

One explanation for Mexican officials not responding to the report of a DEA drug trafficking operation in Mexico and the murder of a Mexican national by a DEA agent could be that both Mexico and U.S. officials were involved in the drug trafficking. 

Solis Still in Prison 

In 1999, when this edition was printed, Solis was still in prison and nothing had been done about the DEA drug smuggling operation in Mexico or the murder of the Mexican national by either government. 

Putting Government Officials on Notice 

Despite encountering 30 years of government cover-ups, I decided to put U.S. officials on notice, I sent a May 24, 1998, certified letter to Attorney General Janet Reno describing what INS agent Solis had discovered and reported as part of his official duties. I also included a copy of Solis’ affidavit and a near duplicate of Solis’ original report. There was no response, despite the gravity of the information. 

Seeking to circumvent the cover-up by U.S. officials, I put Mexican officials on notice of the reported DEA crimes committed on Mexican territory,thinking they would have to respond because of the gravity of the matter. 

Requesting Solis to Prepare 

a Duplicate of the Report 

Because the INS, DEA, and FBI had hidden Solis’ explosive report and seized his copy during the search of his home, I asked Solis to prepare another one based upon his memory. Although many particulars could not be remembered, such as the Mexican’s home address and phone number, Solis prepared the report, a copy of which follows: 

DECLARATION/AFFIDAVIT 

I, Rumaldo Solis, under penalty of perjury, declare: The intent of this declaration/affidavit is to: 
• Expose a major drug smuggling operation directly involving an agent of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration. 
• The deliberate murder of a Mexican national by an agent of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, perpetrated in Mexico, to cover up for the involvement in a major drug smuggling operation with international implications and that agents involvement or control of the criminal enterprise. 
• The felony cover-up of these activities by agents of other agencies of the U.S. government, including various divisions of the U.S. Department of Justice, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, U.S. attorneys, Drug Enforcement Administration, and the Immigration and Naturalization Service. 
• It is my belief, that for the good of the United States and Mexico, and in the interest of justice, that I make these facts known, and for these facts and this declaration-affidavit to be used by investigator and activist Rodney Stich to accomplish these goals. 

I was an agent for the Immigration and Naturalization Service from 1981 To 1995, having 15 years of experience as a government agent. My relationship with the INS during this time was entirely satisfactory, until I discovered a major drug smuggling operation involving a DEA agent by the name of George Cons. When I made an official written report of what I discovered, and pursued the matter after encountering a cover up by INS and Drug Enforcement Administration officials, I was threatened with retaliation and job action by various people, including agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. They warned me that if I continued to report and inquire about the official drug smuggling report I had previously prepared that I and my family would suffer the consequences. 

That official government report not only included a major drug smuggling operation into the United States, involving an agent of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, but also the killing of a Mexican national by a DEA agent. In addition to that report, the matter subsequently involved official cover-up and obstruction of justice by agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Immigration and Naturalization Service, the Drug Enforcement Administration, followed by further cover-ups involving a U.S. attorney and other officials in the U.S. Department of Justice. 

When I continued trying to meet my federal responsibilities as a federal agent and sought to have the drug smuggling operation and murder investigated, false charges were filed against me by the FBI and U.S. Attorney. Because of threats upon me and my family, and the refusal of my attorneys to raise a meaningful defense, I pleaded guilty to one charge. 

The following is a brief description of the official report that I prepared exposing a major drug smuggling operation, the murder of a Mexican national, implicating a DEA agent: 

At some time in 1989, the exact date I cannot recall, while I was on duty in the INS office at the Hidalgo Port of Entry station near McAllen, Texas, a Mexican national came into the office and provided me detailed information about a major drug smuggling operation and the killing of his brother by a DEA agent. I prepared a written report of what this witness stated. 

The witness said that he, his brother, and a group of Mexican nationals, were working at a remote mountain airstrip in Mexico, at which large aircraft arrived from South America loaded with drugs, and large aircraft arrived from the United States carrying 55-gallon drums of chemicals, and money to pay for the drugs. Their job was to unload and load drugs, chemicals, and money between aircraft arriving from Central and South America and the United States. 

This witness described how the drug transfer between several aircraft were waiting the arrival of the person apparently in charge of the operation. When that plane arrived, and that individual got off the aircraft, his wallet fell out of his pocket. That wallet contained a government-issued photo and identification of George Cons, an agent for the Drug Enforcement Administration. 

When DEA agent George Cons later discovered that his wallet was missing, he ordered the Mexican laborers lined up and searched. When the wallet was discovered in the possession of the witness’ brother, DEA agent Cons reportedly pulled out his gun and shot, point-blank, the witness’ brother. Cons then ordered the Mexican laborers to bury the body. 

Several days later, the witness managed to escape from the heavily guarded remote airstrip, and made his way to the INS office near McAllen, Texas, where he gave me a detailed information. This information was made into an official government report as part of my official duties.

The laborers were guarded day and night to prevent their escape, but several days after the killing of the witness’ brother, several of them, including the witness, managed to escape from the heavily guarded remote airstrip. The witness made his way to the in the INS‘ s Hidalgo Port of Entry office near McAllen, Texas, while I was on duty. 

The distraught and crying witness described to me in detail the drug smuggling operation and how DEA agent Cons killed his brother.

While listening to the witness’ description of the drug smuggling operation and murder, I called DEA Special Agent Gary Morrison in the nearby McAllen, Texas, office, explaining what I was being told. Morrison then advised that he would be there within an hour, meeting us at the bridge between McAllen, Texas and Reynosa, Mexico. During the interview, I acted as translator, and recorded the witness’ statements.

During the interview, Morrison contacted by phone the central record office at El Paso, Texas (EPIC ) and made an “Epics” inquiry, which confirmed that a George Cons did in fact work for the DEA, assigned to the Yuma, Arizona office. NCIC is the El Paso Intelligence Center that centralizes information about drug offenses.

Despite the enormous national and international implications of the information being provided by this witness, Morrison instructed me to tell the witness to go back to Mexico, which I conveyed to the witness in Spanish. Before leaving the office that night, I obtained the witness’ address in Mexico, that of other witnesses names and addresses, and included these in my official report. I then put that report into my office files, while Morrison was present. 

As a trained and highly experienced INS investigator, I recognized that this was the beginning of a cover-up. An investigator doesn’t tell such an important witness in such an important matter of national and international implications, to return to Mexico, where the witness would most probably not be available again, and where he could very probably be murdered to keep him from testifying.

When I arrived back at my office the following morning, I discovered that my official report had been removed, and in its place was a Mexican birth certificate for drug trafficker Juan Garcia Abrego. It is my belief that the placement of a personal document relating to a drug trafficker was to associate me with a criminal enterprise and in that way silence me and my knowledge of the DEA-related drug operation.

I raised the matter with various DEA officials, threatening to expose a major drug operation organized and protected by government personnel in control of key government offices. It was apparent that I was “not on the team.” When I persisted in trying to meet my federal job responsibilities, anonymous phone calls to me at my home and at work warned me that dire things were going to happen if I did not drop the matter, and that my job as an Immigration and Naturalization officer would come to a halt. I reported these threats to INS officials, and they did nothing about it.

In addition to the anonymous threats made by telephone, I started getting threats from government officials. FBI Special Agent Orlando Munoz out of the McAllen office visited me in early 1993 at the Hidalgo Port of Entry office, warning me that I had been told too many times to shut up and forget the whole affair. The FBI was threatening a government agent against reporting what was clearly criminal and subversive activities against the United States! As I sought to have the matter reported and investigated, I was warned by INS and DEA personnel that it would be in my own best interest to forget about it.

I reported the drug smuggling operation and the threats against me to various members of Congress, including Congressman Solomon P. Ortiz of the 27th congressional district, describing the murder of the Mexican national by the DEA agent, the drug smuggling operation involving large numbers of U.S. aircraft and personnel, the cover-ups and obstruction of justice by officials at the DEA, Immigration and Naturalization Service, the FBI, U.S. attorney, and Department of Justice in Washington. None responded to my letters.

When I continued to keep the issues alive, employees of the DEA, INS, FBI, and office of the U.S. attorney participated in falsely charging me with using government computers in drug smuggling activities. The FBI charged me with using a government computer to facilitate drug smuggling. It appears that the DEA stayed out of the prosecution so that I couldn’t raise the defense of retaliation for having reported the DEA drug smuggling operation.

FBI Special Agent Munoz traveled to Houston, obtaining a court authorization to wire tap my home phone. Munoz gave Chief District Judge Norman Black false information as Munoz tried to justify the telephone tap. Munoz said that I was a nephew to major drug trafficker Juan Garcia Abrego. This scheme, making false statements against a government agent, in a scheme to obstruct justice, was approved by U.S. attorney Melissa Annis before it was presented to Judge Black. 

The Justice Department’s FBI and U.S. attorney then misstated that drug matter discussions normally undertaken by me as part of my job, taken out of context, indicated that I was engaging in drug trafficking. 

In December 1994, FBI Special Agent William Vanderland obtained a search warrant for my residence, using a large number of state and federal agents to carry out the search. When my son answered the door, he was ordered by FBI Special Agent Lamarr Pruit into the front yard to be searched, holding a large caliber gun to the boy’s head. Copies of my records pertaining to the drug smuggling operation and the murder of the Mexican national were seized during this raid. 

Trying to defend myself against the sham charges filed by Justice Department employees, I went through three attorneys, discovering that they all wanted me to plead guilty. 

These statements are true and correct to the best of my belief. Executed this 28th day of June 1998, at the federal prison in Pekins, Illinois. 

Duplication of original report prepared from memory by Solis, which Solis provided to me: 

UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT 
MEMORANDUM DEA SEAL 
UNITED STATES IMMIGRATION 
& NATURALIZATION SERVICE 
Date: November 12, 1988. [This date is approximate] 

To: Hilda B. Trevino, Port Director 
Subject: Information relating to DEA agent involved in drug smuggling and murder in Mexico. 
From: Rumaldo Solis II 

A Mexican national came to the INS office at Port Hidalgo yesterday evening around 8:30 P.M. He stated that he wanted help from American authorities concerning the murder of his brother by a DEA agent that he identified as George Cons. Shortly after he provided me with preliminary information, I contacted by phone the DEA office at McAllen, Texas, requesting the assistance of DEA internal affairs since a DEA agent was involved. 

DEA agent Gary Morrison arrived within an hour to continue the questioning of the witness, while I acted as translator. 

The witness presented to us his Mexican identification to prove his identity. He stated that he, his brother, and several others was hired at Los Mochis, Mexico, to work at a ranch about two hours driving time from Los Mochis, Sinaloa, in Mexico. The Mexican who hired them, and whose name he did not remember, transported them in a pickup truck to a mountainous area ranch. The witness stated that during the two-hour trip his ears started to pop as the truck climbed to higher altitude.

When they arrived at the ranch, they were greeted by another Mexican who introduced himself as the foreman of the ranch. This foreman took them on a tour of the ranch, which consisted of a landing strip, warehouses, airplanes, armed guards, and various types of vehicles.

The foreman explained to them that the job consisted of loading and unloading airplanes and large vehicles, and to pack and unpack bundles. They later learned that the material being loaded and unloaded, and the packaging, consisted mostly of cocaine and marijuana. They also unloaded stacks of money, and chemicals used for drug processing from planes and vehicles coming from the United States.

The cocaine and marijuana loads were loaded onto aircraft and trucks going to the United States. The chemicals and money were unloaded from airplanes and trucks coming from the United States and then placed on board airplanes and vehicles going to Central and South America. The witness stated that he and his group started working immediately thereafter.

The witness stated that some of the planes had aircraft markings on the side that began with letters, including HK, XA and N.

The witness described an event that occurred approximately two months ago, associated with the arrival from the United States of an airplane with three occupants on board. As one of these occupants got out of the aircraft and walked to one of the storage buildings, his wallet fell to the ground, without him noticing it.  brother to the witness picked up the wallet and went inside a nearby building to examine it. As they looked in the wallet they found a photo of the person who dropped the wallet, George Cons, and identification as an agent for the United States Drug Enforcement Administration.  
The witness said that a few minutes later, the foreman called everybody outside and lined them against a wall. The person who dropped the wallet then search them and found the wallet in the possession of the witness’ brother. The DEA agent then pulled out a gun and shot the witness’ brother in the back of the head, killing him instantly.

The other workers were then instructed to dig a hole and bury the body. After the body was buried, the workers were ordered to resume loading and unloading various aircraft. 

The witness stated that the DEA agent’s identify was known to the foreman, who had stated that the agent was in charge of the entire operation and that nothing could be either loaded or unloaded until his arrival.

Several days after the DEA agent murdered the witness’ brother, the witness and several other workers managed to escape. The witness made his way to the INS office at Port Hidalgo.

During the questioning of the witness in the presence of DEA agent Gary Morrison, and after the witness revealed the name of DEA agent George Cons, Morrison telephoned EPICS to verify that the DEA had an agent by that name. It was confirmed that George Cons was an active agent for the DEA in Arizona.

The witness gave me his name and address in Los Mochis as [this information cannot be remembered but is in the original report]. The witness also gave me the names of the others who were hired at the same time in Los Mochis. These were [this information cannot be remembered]. 

At the end of the interview, I was instructed by Morrison to order the witness to return to Mexico and if his presence was needed he would be contacted. I advised Morrison that because of the seriousness of the matters described by the witness that he be given permission to remain in the United States until the investigation was completed. Morrison refused to allow this.

Without Morrison present, the witness expressed concern about this lack of interest and that he would not return to Mexico, fearing for his life if he did return.

Rumaldo Solis 

I, Rumaldo Solis, declare that the above writing is close to the original that I prepared and filed as an official government report while I was an long-time agent for the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service. This writing is now prepared from memory. There may be some specifics that could not be remembered, and the date of the report is only approximate. The report that I prepared at the time contained the names of the witness and the others who were hired in Los Mochis, along with some of their addresses. I cannot remember this information and it is omitted from the report. But the other details are accurate, having been given considerable thought after the event occurred, because of the gravity of the matters reported.

I declare that the other facts stated herein are true and correct, to the best of my knowledge and belief. I make this declaration under penalty of perjury. 

I prepared this report after the witness left the INS office at Port Hidalgo where I was on duty, and placed the report in my desk, in Morrison’s presence. The following morning, the report was missing. In its place, someone put the birth certificate for Mexican drug trafficker, Juan Garcia Abrego. 

After finding this birth certificate, I gave it to INS special agent Ramiro Salinas. 

Rumaldo Solis 

Letter Notification to President of Mexico 

I sent certified-mail letters to Cesar Lajud, Consul General of Mexico at San Francisco (April 20, 1998); Jesus Reyes Heroles, Mexican Ambassador in Washington (May 11, 1998); Mexican President Ernesto Zedillo (May 11, 1998). No responses. A copy of the letter sent to President Zedillo follows: 

From the desk of 
Rodney Stich 
P.O. Box 5, 
Alamo, CA 94507;
phone: 925-944-1930;
FAX 925-295-1203 Member Association Former Intelligence Officers (AFIO) Association of National Security Alumni International Society of Air Safety Investigators Lawyers Pilots Bar Association (LPBA) Former FAA air safety investigator Former airline captain and Navy pilot E-mail: stich@defraudingamerica.com Web sites: www.defraudingamerica.com; www.unfriendlyskies.com Internet search engine: “Rodney Stich” May 11, 1998 

Ernesto Zedillo, President of Mexico 
Los Tinos 
# 1, 11109 Mexico, 
D.F. Registered mail 
Reference: Reporting crimes against the Mexican government and the Mexican people. 

Dear Mr. Zedillo : 
This letter puts the Mexican government on notice of major crimes against the government and the people of Mexico by agents of the U.S. government. During my many years of investigations, starting as a federal investigator for the United States government, I acquired a great amount of evidence concerning criminal activities by these agents against the people of the United States. Recently, a former agent of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), holding U.S. and Mexican citizenship, disclosed to me the contents of a report that he made which had major international implications, particularly for the government and the people of Mexico. The following is a brief description of the crimes against your country: 

• An agent of the U.S. government (Drug Enforcement Administration) was reported in an official report of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) to be coordinating, in Mexico, a large drug smuggling operation at a remote mountainous airstrip a couple of hours driving time from Los Mochis. 
• That agent of the U.S. government reportedly murdered a Mexican national at that airstrip when that Mexican national, working as a cargo loader loading drugs onto aircraft destined for the United States, discovered the identify of the U.S. government agent. 
• The murder of a Mexican journalist in Mexico, shortly after he started investigating these matters, was probably due to an attempt to cover up for the involvement of U.S. agents in these crimes against Mexico. 
• That agents of several U.S. government agencies aided and abetted these crimes against Mexico, covered up for them, and then retaliated against the INS agent who filed the report that was then criminally destroyed or hidden. These agents were from the U.S. Department of Justice, Immigration and Naturalization Service, Drug Enforcement Administration, and U.S. attorney.
• The drug smuggling operation involving major segments of the U.S. government were also directed against the people of the United States, a fact that has been proven by the evidence I have been provided by several dozen former federal agents and operatives.
• The murder and drug trafficking, implicating agents of the U.S. government were also directed against the people of the United States. These facts have been discovered by me and a coalition of several dozen present and former government agents and deep-cover operatives. The cover-ups, the obstruction of justice, the continuation of the criminal activities, are documented standard operating procedures by people holding key positions in the government of the United States. 

PRIOR COVERUP BY 

MEXICAN OFFICIALS 

Part of this information had been sent by the INS agent to various Mexican agencies, including the Mexican consul in Texas. I also sent information to the Mexican consul in San Francisco. We never received a response, indicating that these Mexican officials are covering up for crimes against Mexico and its people by agents of the U.S. government. Obviously, this has monumental implications. 

My Credibility: 

I am a former inspector and investigator in the government of the United States, who discovered during the past 30 years patterns of documented corrupt practices involving federal officials in all three branches of government. Over two dozen government agents have provided me with additional court-admissible evidence during the past ten years. Part of this government corruption, and the well-orchestrated cover-up and obstruction of justice, is detailed and documented in the books, Defrauding America and Unfriendly Skies, and referred to in the Internet web sites, http://www.defraudingamerica.com; and http://www.ciadrugs.com; and http://www.unfriendlyskies.com. 
A Major Scandal Against Mexico and Its People 
The murder of a Mexican national, on Mexican territory, by an agent of the U.S. government, to cover up for a criminal drug trafficking operation conducted by a U.S. agent on Mexican soil, has serious implications for Mexico, its people, and produces additional evidence of interference in the operation of other government by certain people in control of the United States. 

My primary interest in providing this information to Mexican officials is to expose the corruption by U.S. government officials that are inflicting great harm upon many innocent people. 

I am making copies of this letter available to others. Obviously, if you continue the cover-up of these crimes against your own people, the scandal takes on even greater importance. Sincerely, Rodney Stich Registry number: 83791139 

On April 27, 1999, I received a telephone call from the Mexican consul at San Francisco, Arturo Balderas, stating that he received a request from President Zedillo‘s office to interview me concerning the material that I had sent to him June 5, 1998—almost a year earlier. He wanted me to come to the Mexican consulate and I told him I couldn’t make it for at least two weeks as I was completing the final editing on my book. I did ask him to fax me the request. His fax stated in part: “In regard to the letter that you sent to the President of Mexico, Ernesto Zedillo, reporting crimes against the Mexican government. “I will appreciate that you call me, in order to set up an appointment to talk about your concern.” 

Reported DEA Role in 

the Lockerbie Bombing 

Within a year of the December 21, 1988 downing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, I started receiving information from CIA, DIA (Defense Intelligence Agency), and other sources as to what actually happened. The information from these sources revealed why and how the bomb was placed on the aircraft, again showing the consequences of government involvement in drugs. The following information is contrary to the line being given out by U.S. officials.

Reason for the Bombing 

On July 3, 1988, the U.S.S. Vincennes shot down an Iranian airliner, killing 290 people. The airliner was on a scheduled flight, on a heavily traveled civil airway, climbing through 12,000 feet, when the U.S.S. Vincennes launched a missile at it. The missile, hitting the airliner, broke it into many pieces, causing the eventual death of 290 people, some of whom fell over two miles before they were killed upon impact. 

Iran was obviously furious, and Iran’s Ayatollah was reported to have issued a “fatwah,” a Muslim proclamation that several U.S. airliners would be downed in retaliation. Iran then contracted with a terrorist group headed by Ahmed Jibril to bring about the downing of U.S. aircraft. The downing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie would be facilitated by a drug smuggling operation controlled out of the DEA office in Nicosia and involving DEA and CIA personnel and drug traffickers from Lebanon and Syria. 

One of Many CIA-DEA 

Drug Smuggling Operations 

The ongoing drug-smuggling operation used Pan Am aircraft out of Frankfurt that were departing for the United States. It was this drug smuggling operation that made possible the placement of the bomb on Pan Am Flight 103. 

This is how the drug smuggling operation worked: A courier would check his bags at Pan American in Frankfurt, and the bags would pass inspection. However, before the bags were placed on the aircraft, baggage handlers replaced one of the previously inspected bags with another bag containing approximately 200 pounds of heroin. 

Jibril used the CIA’s own illegal operation to put the bomb on Pan Am Flight 103. The Jibril group reportedly bribed the Turkish baggage handlers to place an additional bag on the aircraft, which contained the bomb. Because of a flight delay, the bomb that was set to explode over the North Atlantic exploded over Lockerbie.

The United States recognized Jibril as the main suspect. But then the United States needed Syria’s cooperation in attacking Iraq after Iraq invaded Kuwait. Since Syria was the home to one part of the CIA-DEA drug smuggling operation and also the home of the Jibril group, the United States could not charge Syria with harboring them. Further, revealing how the bomb was put on the aircraft risked exposing the CIA-DEA drug smuggling operation.

Justice Department officials then fabricated far-fetched theories as to how two Libyans placed the bomb on board Pan Am Flight 103 —contradicted by the evidence. Many articles in the European press showed the U.S. charges against the Libyans as false. German police, for instance, who knew about the CIA-DEA drug pipeline, gave no credence to the Justice Department’s fabricated evidence and false charges. A more thorough description of the Pan Am Lockerbie disaster, the evidence, and the usual Justice Department retaliation of those who reveal the truth, can be found in the third edition of Defrauding America.

Agents of DEA Smuggling Tons of Cocaine 

A veteran Texas law enforcement agent who is described in later pages wrote to me on April 24, 2001, “My investigation as proven with overwhelming circumstantial evidence that agents of DEA were involved in the smuggling of tons of cocaine into and through Grimes County [Texas].” 

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Custom’s Complicity in Drugging America