Monday, March 12, 2018

PART 6:THE HISTORY OF TAMMANY HALL: TAMMANY "PURIFIED",WHIG FAILURE &THE GANGS COME FORTH

The History of Tammany Hall
Image result for images of a corrupt tammany hall
By Gustavus Myers
CHAPTER XIII
Tammany “ Purified ”
1837-1838


ONE of the important changes in the composition of Tammany Hall came in 1837.  The United States Bank dependents, lobbyists and supporters had left the Wigwam, as has been noted, in 1832, but the State Bank men, well satisfied with the destruction of the great rival corporation, had remained.  Finding the organization no longer subservient to them they, in turn, quit Tammany during Van Buren’s administration.  This happened in the Fall of 1837.

The Tammany General Committee, whose membership had recently been increased from thirty-six to fifty-one members, held a meeting on September 7, thirty-six members being present.  Resolutions were offered upholding Van Buren’s scheme of placing the United States funds in sub-treasuries.  This was a bitter dose to the State Bank men who, wanting to retain Government deposits, opposed the sub-treasury plan.  The “bank conservatives” vainly tried to put off a vote on the resolutions, but being repeatedly outvoted, all but one of them left the room before the main question was put.  Nineteen members remained.  As seventeen formed a quorum, the question was put and the resolutions were adopted by a vote of 18 to 1.  The bank men pretended that the resolutions were passed clandestinely, and they so deviously managed things that in a few days they regained control of the general committee, which at their behest refused to call a public meeting to act on the resolutions.

But the Democratic-Republican Young Men’s Committee was saturated with Equal Rights ideas and rebelled at the policy which allowed the acts of the bankers to antagonize Democrats of principle and bring defeat to Tammany Hall.  This committee met in the Wigwam on September 11 and passed a series of resolutions with which the Anti-Monopolists were as pleased as the bankers were angry.  The resolution declared the public satisfaction in anticipating the separation of bank and state, and welcomed the approach of an era when legislation should not be perverted to the enrichment of a few and the depression of the many.  The Young Men resolved that the crisis was sufficient reason for their committee assuming to recommend a public meeting of those who approved Van Buren’s recent message, to be held in Tammany Hall, on September 21.

The bank men were angry that the Young Men’s committee should dare to act independently of the elder, the general committee.  The latter, meeting on September 14, disapproved of the manner in which the Young Men’s meeting had been called, declined cooperation with it, and by a vote of 21 to 16 ordered the Young Men’s General Committee to withdraw the recommendation for that meeting.  The Young Men ignored the order and held their meeting.  Van Buren and his prospective sub-treasuries were endorsed and fiery resolutions adopted denouncing the incorporated banks.

Coming, as this denunciation did, from Tammany Hall, which had a far-reaching influence over the Union, the “bank conservatives” grew even more exasperated, for they had come to look upon the organization as almost their private property.  As two-thirds of the Sachems belonged to their clique, they held a meeting in the Wigwam, on September 25, to disapprove of the sub-treasury scheme.  In rushed the progressive Democrats in overwhelming force, and for an hour the place was a fighting arena.  The bank men were forced to leave, and the progressives organized and carried out the meeting.

Regarding Tammany as having ceased to be the tool of the exploiting interests, the Anti-Monopolists were disposed to a union with the advanced organization party.  When the Equal Rights men met at Military Hall on October 27, Col. Alexander Ming, Jr., one of the party’s organizers, said that one of the chief purposes of the Equal Rights party was to effect reform in Tammany Hall;  this having been accomplished, it was the duty of every Democrat to unite on one ticket against the “high-toned Federalists, Whigs and aristocrats.”  A fusion Assembly ticket was made up, composed of both Tammany and Equal Rights men, each Tammanyite subscribing in writing to the Equal Rights principles.  A small contingent of the Equal Rights party, however, accused their comrades of selling out to the Wigwam, and nominated their own candidates — Job Haskell, Daniel Gorham, William E. Skidmore and others.

The “bank conservatives” allied themselves with the Whigs.  They were credited with raising an election fund of $60,000, a sum which at that time could do great execution.  By raising the cries of “agrarianism” and “infidelity,” ascribing the effects of the panic of 1837 to the Democrats, coercing laborers and using illegal votes, the combined conservatives wrested nearly 3,000 majority out of a total of 33,093 votes.

Stimulated by this victory, the bank men attempted to regain control of Tammany and called a meeting for January 2, 1838, at 7 o’clock, in the Wigwam.  The Anti-Bank Democrats then issued a call for a meeting on the same night, but one hour earlier.  The Council of Sachems were mostly either “bank conservatives” themselves or sympathizers;  but they feared to alienate the dominant progressives.  As the best solution, they agreed that neither party should meet in the Wigwam.  On January 1 they resolved that both calls were unauthorized and that neither had been sanctioned by any act of the general committee.  “The lease of Tammany Hall,” read their resolution, “reserves to the Council of Sachems of the Tammany Society the right to decide on all questions of doubt, arising out of the rooms being occupied by or let to a person or persons as a committee or otherwise for political purposes!”  The Council sent a copy of these resolutions to Lovejoy and Howard, the lessees 1 of Tammany Hall, forbidding them to “rent, hire to, or allow either of the assemblages named on the premises.”  Identical with this decree, Lovejoy and Howard issued a notice (which was published in the public prints) that their lease of Tammany Hall “contained covenants” that they would not permit any persons to assemble in the hall “whose political opinions the Council of Sachems of Tammany Society should declare not to be in accordance with the political views of the general committee of said Tammany Society,” and they (Lovejoy and Howard) therefore could not permit either meeting.2  The conservatives then met in the City Hall Park, where they were assaulted and maltreated.3  The Anti-Bank men won over the general committee, which gave the necessary permission for their meeting in the Wigwam on January 9.  The policy of Jackson and of Van Buren was upheld, and it was set forth that while the Democracy, unlike its calumniators, did not arrogate to itself “the possession of all the decency, the virtue, the morals and the wealth of the community,” it felt no more disturbed at being called “Agrarians,” “Locofocos” or “Radicals” than it did at being abused in the days of Jefferson.

That foremost Equal Rights advocate, the Evening Post, now acknowledged the purification of Tammany Hall;4  saying that the spurious Democrats who had infested the party for their own selfish purposes had either been drummed out of the ranks, had left voluntarily, or had acquiesced sullenly in the decision of the majority.

CHAPTER XIV
Whig Failure Restores Tammany to Power
1838-1840

THE course of the Whig city administration served only to strengthen Tammany and was responsible for the conviction, which later so often prevailed, that if Tammany Hall was bad the Whigs were no better, and were perhaps worse.  At this time of general distress complaints were numerous that the sum of $1,300,000 was exacted from the rent payers in a single year.  In the early part of 1838 one-third of all the persons in New York City who subsisted by manual labor was substantially or wholly without employment.1  Not less than 10,000 persons were in utter poverty and had no other means of surviving the Winter than those afforded by the charity of neighbors.  The Almshouse and all charitable institutions were full to overflowing;  the usual agencies of charity were exhausted or insufficient, and 10,000 sufferers were still uncared for.  The great panic of 1837 had cut down the city’s trade one-half.  Notwithstanding the fall of prices, the rents for tenements in New York were greater than were paid in any other city or village upon the globe.2  So exorbitant were the demands of the landlords that the tenants found it impossible to meet them.  The landowners were the backbone of the Whig party;  it was not unnatural, therefore, that their rapacity developed among the people at large a profound distrust of Whig men and principles.

The Whig officials, so far as can be discovered, took no adequate steps to relieve the widespread suffering.  The Tammany ward committees, on the other hand, were active in relief work.  This was another of the secrets of Tammany Hall’s usual success in holding the body of voters.  The Whigs made fine speeches over champagne banquets, but kept at a distance from the poor, among whom the Wigwam workers mingled, and distributed clothing, fuel and food and often money.  The leaders set the example.  One of these was John M. Bloodgood,3 who frequently went among the charitable citizens, collecting, in a large basket, cakes, pies, meat and other eatables, and distributing them among the needy.

In the Spring of 1838 Tammany nominated Isaac L. Varian for Mayor, and the Whigs renominated Aaron Clark.  The Whigs used the panic as an example of the result of Democratic rule.  Controlling the city, they employed all its machinery to win.  It was reasonably certain that they did not stop at fraud.  In some wards canvassing was delayed until other wards were heard from.  In still other wards the Whigs refused to administer the oath to naturalized citizens.  With all this they obtained a plurality of only 519 out of 39,341 votes.  Had it not been for dissensions in the tumultuous Sixth Ward, Tammany would have won.
Image result for images of Gen. Robert Swartwout,
In the Fall election of 1838 the Whig frauds were enormous and indisputable.  The Whigs raised large sums of money, which were handed to ward workers for the procuring of votes.  About two hundred roughs were brought from Philadelphia, in different divisions, each man receiving $22.  Gen. Robert Swartwout, now a Whig, at the instance of such men as Moses H. Grinnell, Robert C. Wetmore and Noah Cook, former Wigwam lights, who left the Hall because the “destructionist” Anti-Monopolists captured it, arranged for the trip of these fraudulent voters.  After having voted in as many wards as possible, each was to receive the additional compensation of $5.  They were also to pass around spurious tickets purporting to be Democratic.  The aggregate Whig vote, it was approximated, was swelled through the operations of this band by at least five to six hundred.4  One repeater, Charles Swint, voted in sixteen wards.  Such inmates of the House of Detention as could be persuaded or bullied into voting the Whig ticket were set at large.  Merritt, a police officer, was seen boldly leading a crowd of them to the polls.  Ex-convicts distributed Whig tickets and busily electioneered.  The cabins of all the vessels along the wharves were ransacked, and every man, whether or not a citizen or resident of New York, who could be wheedled into voting a Whig ballot, was rushed to the polls and his vote was smuggled in.  The Whigs were successful, their candidate for Governor, William H. Seward, receiving 20,179 votes, to 19,377 for William L. Marcy.

Departing from its custom of seeking local victory on national issues, Tammany, in April, 1839, issued an address expatiating on the increase of the city expenses from a little over $1,000,000 in 1830 to above $5,000,000 in 1838.  Deducting about $1,500,000 for the Croton works, there would still remain the enormous increase of $2,500,000.  The city population had not trebled in that time, nor had there been any extraordinary cause for expenditure.  Where had all this money gone ?

Tammany further pointed out that, unlike the Whigs, it had never stooped so low as to discharge the humble laborers in the public service, when it (Tammany) held the Common Council.  Nor had it ever been so abject as to provide them with colored tickets, as the Whigs had done, so that the laborers might be detected if they voted contrary to their masters.  Tammany further charged that the Whigs in the previous election had taken the Almshouse paupers, with embossed satin voting tickets in their hands, to the polls, and were planning to do it again.

Tammany made good use of this charge.  But the practice was not exclusively a Whig industry.  In those years both Democrats and Whigs, according to which held power, forced Almshouse paupers to vote.  for a fortnight before the election the paupers were put in training.  On the morning of election they were disguised with new clothing, so that the public might not see their gray uniforms.  They were given tickets to vote “and tickets for grog, silver coin and also good advice as to their conduct at the polls.”  Then they were carried to the polls in stages, with an officer on each step to see that none escaped.  Many would return to the Almshouse drunk and with torn clothing, or after having exchanged their new garments for liquor.5  There were usually about 800 paupers.  In the Fall and Winter of 1888 a quarter of the population was relieved at the Almshouse.

Clark and Varian were both renominated for Mayor in the Spring of 1889.  Preparations for fraud on a large scale were made by both parties.  The newspapers supporting Varian admitted that Tammany thought proper to follow the Whigs’ example, and to counteract its effects, by colonizing the doubtful wards with Democratic voters.  On both sides repeating was general.  An Albany police officer named Coulson brought twenty-three persons, one of whom was only seventeen years old, to New York City, where they voted the Whig ticket in the different wards.  For this they received $5 in advance, and $1 a day.

Of the 41,113 votes Varian 6 received 21,072, and Clark 20,005.  The Wigwam secured a majority of 12 in the Common Council.

Fearing that Tammany in power would use the administration machinery in elections even more than had the Whigs, the latter now made a great outcry for a registry law,7 proclaiming it the only fraud preventive.  The sudden conversion of the Whig leaders to civic purity called forth derision.  But the people at large, the non-politicians, ashamed of such barefaced frauds in their city, took up the agitation.  The Registry bill was introduced in the Legislature in May, 1839.  It provided for the registration of voters in New York City, and made fraudulent voting a felony, with severe penalties.

After the frauds of 1834 the Wigwam leaders had given out that they would take serious steps to obtain from the Legislature a law causing voters to be registered, but had done nothing.  They now opened a campaign against the Whig bill.  In the Spring of 1840 the ward committees declared against it on the pretext that it interfered with constitutional rights;  that it was an insidious attempt to take from the poor man either his right of suffrage or to make the exercise of that right so inconvenient as practically to debar him from voting.  The Common Council, on March 16, 1840, denounced the proposed law as inquisitorial, tyrannical and disfranchising in its effect, as well as unjust, because they (the Aldermen) “know of no sin which she (New York City) has committed to make her worthy of the signal reproach now sought to be cast upon her.”8  A few days later the Common Council on joint ballot delivered itself of a solemn protest against the constitutionality of the Registry bill, and on the night of March 24 an assemblage in the Wigwam did likewise.  It was in this year that the full account of the Whig frauds of 1838 was made public.  Commenting upon this, the Tammany Nominating Committee, with characteristic naivete, said in its address:  “It is with shame that we record these dark transactions and proclaim them to the people.  We would, if we could, blot out their existence, for it brings disgrace on our whole country and will make the enemies of civil freedom laugh with joy.”

The Registry bill became a law, but Tammany continued to protest against it.  When, in 1841, the Legislature increased the penalties for its violation, Acting Mayor Elijah F. Purdy commented upon it severely.9

The able, sincere and high-minded William Leggett, the guiding spirit of the Equal Rights party, died on May 29, 1839, not quite forty years old.  The Tammany Young Men’s General Committee eulogized his virtues and talents, proclaimed him among the purest of politicians and announced the purpose of raising a monument to his memory.  Of this committee, curious to relate, the chairman was Fernando Wood and the secretary Richard B. Connolly — two men who became known for anything but devotion to the virtues they here exalted.

Leggett, some years before this, had become a radical Abolitionist.  By this time the anti-slavery movement in the city and State had grown to considerable proportions, though as yet it had exercised but little influence on politics.  Several riots had taken place in the streets of the city, two rather serious ones happening on July 9 and 10, 1834, and June 21, 1835, and Lewis Tappan, an antislavery propagandist, had been mobbed.  The local movement gradually acquired new adherents, and constantly increased its propaganda.  At this period, however, it was more in the nature of a growing moral force.
Image result for images of Samuel Swartwout
During this period another great series of disclosures regarding Tammany chieftains was made public.  Samuel Swartwout, whom Jackson had made Collector of the Port shortly after coming into office in 1829, fled from the city late in 1838.  He had long been a power in the organization.  His name had been mentioned unpleasantly when he, with M.M. Noah and Henry Ogden,10 contrived by means of their official positions to get $10,000 reward for the recovery of the jewels stolen from the Prince of Orange, though the recovery had been made by others.  And in 1833 he had threatened, as Collector of the Port, to remove the Custom House uptown because the merchants would not lend him more than $7,000 on the strength of some worthless “Jersey meadows.”  Three years later he was connected with the unsavory Harlem Railroad stock corner and the manipulation of the funds of the Commercial Bank.  Early in 1838 he joined forces with the notorious politicians of the Seventh Ward Bank for the defeat of William Leggett for the Democratic nomination for Congress, securing the nomination of Isaac L. Varian in his stead.  A few months later the city was astounded to learn that since 1830 he had been systematically robbing the Government, through the manipulation of Custom House receipts, and that the total of his thefts amounted to nearly $1,250,000.11  Fleeing to Europe, he wandered aimlessly about 12 for many years.13  The community was so impressed with the size of this defalcation that a verb, “to Swartwout,” was coined, remaining in general use for many years thereafter.  A defaulter was generally spoken of as having “Swartwouted.”[Learn something new every day DC]

A lesser figure in Tammany circles, though a person of considerable consequence, followed Swartwout in flight.  This was William M. Price, at the time District Attorney for the Southern District of New York.  It was discovered that he had defaulted to the Government in the sum of $75,000.  Price, like so many other Tammany politicians of his time, had been mixed up with Seventh Ward Bank politics.  During the latter part of his career he had been known as the personal representative in the city of President Van Buren.

During the following Spring, William Paxen Hallett, a member of the “Big Four” against whom the Equal Rights party had so energetically protested in 1836, was made the defendant in a civil suit involving grave fraud.  As referee in a suit for damages of one John A. Manning against one Charles J. Morris, Hallett had wrongfully reported that only trifling judgments remained outstanding against Morris, and the court had accordingly given the latter a year’s time in which to make good a judgment for $3,496 rendered in favor of Manning.  It appeared, however, in the proceedings before the Superior Court, May 20, 1839, that Hallett knew, or should have known, of a previous judgment against the defendant for $15,014.44 in favor of one Nathan Davis, who during the year of grace seized upon all of Morris’s property, thus defrauding Manning.  The testimony was so convincing that Hallett was forced to compromise the suit by paying the damages asked for.  Through the influence of the organization, however, he escaped prosecution.

The “ring” of Police Justices had for several years been a crying scandal.  Whig and Tammany magistrates were equally involved.  Public clamor fixed upon John M. Bloodgood, despite his private charities, as the first victim.  The Assistant Aldermen impeached him in January, 1839,14 and submitted the case to the Court of Common Pleas, by whom he was tried.15  Testimony was brought out tending to show that the Police Justices, by means of an understanding with policemen and jailers, extorted money from prisoners and shielded counterfeiters, thieves, street walkers and other malefactors from arrest or conviction.  The charges were dismissed.16  Stronger testimony of the same kind was brought out in May, 1840, on the trial of Police Justice Henry W. Merritt, and other testimony involved in the same way Special Justice Oliver M. Lowndes.  The case, however, was dismissed.17

A strong public agitation had been waged for the reorganization of the criminal courts.  The Weekly Herald of February 1, 1840, had made the statement that the farce of conducting the correctional machinery of the city involved a yearly sum of $1,360,564 — this sum being the total of judges’, policemen’s and court attendants’ salaries (about $50,000), added to the blackmail exacted from offenders, and various “pickings and stealings.”  The statement was an extravagant one; $700,000 would have been nearer the mark.  But whatever the sum, the acquittal of the Police Justices by their fellows in judicial evildoing indicated that the carnival was to continue.  The Tammany leaders had been “out” for the two years 1837-38, and were now vigorously making hay while the sun shone, while such of their Whig contemporaries as still held office were vying with the chiefs in systematic and organized plundering.

The Manhattan Bank scandals were made public in February, 1840.  This was the bank whose charter Aaron Burr had so ingeniously secured in 1799.  It had been a Tammany institution from the beginning, and Tammany politicians had ruled its policies.  It was now generally regarded as the leading financial institution in the city, rivaled only by the Bank of America.  It carried $600,000 of Government funds on deposit, and, of course, a large city and State fund.

It was now shown that for years it had loaned large sums to Tammany leaders and to family connections of its directors and officials, and that it had spent other large sums for political purposes.  The total of its worthless loans and political expenditures reached the enormous sum of $1,344,266.99.  Cashier Campbell P. White, tried on the technical charge of stealing several of the bank’s books, was freed through the disagreement of the jury,18 but on a second trial, charged with assaulting Jonathan Thompson, a Tammany director of the bank who had criticized his management, he was fined $250 and imprisoned for fifteen days.19  In the midst of the excitement Colin G. Newcomb, the teller, disappeared with $50,000.  That the bank weathered the storm well-nigh reaches the dimensions of a miracle.  Paulding, twice a Tammany Mayor;  Bowne, another Tammany ex-Mayor;  and Robert H. Morris, at that time Recorder, appeared as the defendant’s witnesses in the first trial.  White was an influential Wigwam chief, and in 1832 had been elected to Congress on the Tammany ticket.

CHAPTER XV
Rise and Progress of the “ Gangs ”
1840-1846

ABOUT the year 1840 the change in the personnel and the policy of the Wigwam became distinctly evident.  After its absorption of the Equal Rights party, the organization had remained “purified” for a year or so, and then, as usual, had relapsed.  But a new power and new ideas prevailed.  No longer did the bankers and merchants who once held the Wigwam in their grasp, venture to meet in the secret chamber of the hall and order nominations, command policies or determine the punishment of refractory individuals.  Tammany from this time forward began to be ruled from the bottom of the social stratum, instead of from the top.

Something had to be done to offset the disclosures of 1838-40.  Accordingly, the policy of encouraging the foreigners, first rather mildly started in 1823, was now developed into a system.  The Whigs antagonized the entrance of foreign-born citizens into politics, and the Native American party was organized expressly to bar them almost entirely from the enjoyment of political rights.  The immigrant had no place to which to turn but Tammany Hall.  In part to assure to itself this vote the organization opened a bureau, a modest beginning of what became a colossal department.  An office was established in the Wigwam, to which specially paid agents or organization runners brought the immigrant, drilled into him the advantages of joining Tammany and furnished him with the means and legal machinery needed to take out his naturalization papers.  Between January 14 and April 1, 1840, 895 of these men were taken before Tammany Marine Court Judges and naturalized.  Judges of other courts helped to swell the total.  Nearly every one of these aliens became and remained an inveterate organization voter.  Tammany took the immigrant in charge, cared for him, made him feel that he was a human being with distinct political rights, and converted him into a citizen.  How sagacious this was, each year revealed.  Immigration soon poured in heavily, and there came a time when the foreign vote outnumbered that of the native-born citizens.1

The Whigs were bewildered at this systematic gathering in of the naturalized citizens.  After the election of April, 1840,2 when Tammany reelected Varian Mayor and carried the Common Council, the Committee of Whig Young Men 3 issued a long address on the subject.  After specifically charging that prisoners had been marched from their cells in the City Prison by their jailers to the polls to vote the Tammany ticket, the address declared that during the week previous to, and on election day, naturalization papers had been granted at the Marine Court on tickets from Tammany Hall, under circumstances of great abuse.

In the campaign of 1840 the so-called best elements of the town were for General Harrison.  The Wigwam men had much at stake in Van Buren’s candidature and exerted themselves to reelect him.  Tammany now elaborated its naturalization bureau.  A committee sat daily at the Wigwam, assisting in the naturalization process, free of charge to the applicant.  The allegiance of foreign-born citizens was further assured by humoring their national pride in the holding of Irish, German and French meetings in the hall, where each nationality was addressed in its own language.  The more influential foreigners were rewarded with places on the Assembly or local ticket, and to the lesser workers of foreign birth were given petty jobs in the department offices, or contract work.

The outcome was, that in the face of especially strong opposition Tammany harvested 982 plurality in the city for Van Buren, though the vote of the Western counties gave Harrison the electoral vote of the State.  It was such instances as this — demonstrating its capacity of swaying New York City even if the rest of the State voted oppositely — that continued to give Tammany Hall a powerful hold on the Democratic party of the nation, notwithstanding the discredit that so often attached to Tammany men and measures.

Another example of the change in the personnel of Tammany was shown in the rise and progress of the “ward heeler” and his “gangs.”  The “gangs” were not conspicuous in 1841, when the organization elected Robert H. Morris Mayor.4  In April, 1842, when Morris was reelected,5 the “gangs” were still modestly in the background.  But in the Fall of that year they came forth in their might.

One of their leaders was “Mike” Walsh, who became a sort of example for the professional “ward heelers” that followed in his wake.  Walsh had no claim at all on the ruling politicians at the Wigwam, and would have been unnoticed by them.  But he was ambitious, did not lack ability of a certain kind, and had a retinue of devoted “plug-ugly” followers.  He spoke with a homely eloquence, which captivated the poor of his ward.  The turbulent he won over with his fists.  On November 1 the Tammany Nominating Committee reported to the great popular meeting.  Walsh, with the express purpose of forcing his-own nomination for the Assembly, went there with such a band of shouters and fighters as never before had been seen in the hall.  His “shoulder-hitters”— men, as a rule, of formidable appearance — did such hearty execution and so overawed the men assembled there, that upon the question being put to a vote the general committee decided in his favor and placed his name on the regular ticket.  While in the ensuing election he received not quite 8,000 votes to the nearly 20,000 cast for his opponent (the nominee first reported by the committee), he eventually was successful in his aim.  Seeing how easy it was to force nominations at the Wigwam if backed by force, other men began to imitate him and get together “gangs” of their own.

This was the kind of men who, with their “gangs,” superseded the former Democratic ward committees, nearly every member of which kept a shop or earned his living in some legitimate calling.  By helping one another in introducing “gangs” of repeaters from one ward to another at the primary elections, the “ward heelers” became the masters of the wards and were then graduated into leaders, whose support was sought by the most dignified and illustrious politicians.

In fact, the city was frequently in a state of turmoil.  Since 1834 there had been half a dozen riots.6  There were constant fights between rival volunteer engine companies, to which lawless and abandoned characters attached themselves.  Engines were stolen, clubs, pipes, wrenches and other weapons were used, and the affrays generally closed with stabbings and broken skulls.7  There was no police force to speak of;  even Mayor Morris, whom the “gangs” called “Bob” and tapped familiarly on the shoulder, described it as “lamentably defective.”8  One out of every twenty-one white persons in the city could not read and write.9  From so large a population of illiterates, the “ward heelers” easily recruited great numbers of followers.  Morris allowed the “gangs” full sway, and was popular accordingly.  Naturally, with this encouragement, the “gangs” grew and became ever bolder.

General disgust at the low character of politics was felt by the independents, who rightly held both Tammany and the Whigs responsible.  During the time each party held power affairs had gone from bad to worse.  A joint special committee of Aldermen, appointed under public pressure, reported, in 1842, that dishonest office-holders had recently robbed the city of little short of $100,000.10  A street cleaning contract was awarded for $64,500 a year, for five years, when other responsible persons offered to take it for not quite $25,000 a year.11  The fraudulent selling of city land to cover up the increasing debt was continued.12  The city office-holders sold real estate for unpaid assessments, frequently without giving notice to the owner, and bought it in themselves and so “possessed themselves of estates.”13  Heavy and oppressive assessments for improvements never actually made were laid on the taxpayers.14  Hundreds of thousands of dollars were expended uselessly and extravagantly.15  Mayor Morris complained that he had no power over expenditures;  that he knew nothing of legislative action on public works until the warrants for payment were sent to him.16  In violation of the charter, the Aldermen participated in all the profitable “jobs.”17

Convicts were allowed to escape from Blackwell’s Island on condition that they voted as their keepers ordered them.18  Prisoners whose terms had expired were kept at the public expense until election day, to get their votes.  The inmates of the Almshouse and the Penitentiary were forced to manufacture articles for the use and profit of the officers of those departments.  “It is a well-known fact to all who have been familiar with those establishments,” declared the Almshouse Commissioners, “that large quantities of cabinet furniture, clothing and sometimes elegant carriages, cut-glass decanters, punch-bowls, and other articles have been made at the expense of the city; and this has been carried on more or less for years.”19  It was the custom of the officers “to expend large sums in sumptuous and costly dinners for the entertainment of partisans.”  Persons confined in the City Prison were frequently swindled out of their money or effects by the officers, or by “shyster” lawyers, acting in connivance with the jailers;  and to get a mere note or message delivered to friends they had to pay an exorbitant price.20

Despite the disclosures, Tammany again elected Morris, in April, 1843, by nearly 5,000 plurality, he receiving 24,395 votes to 19,516 for Robert Smith, the Whig candidate.  The storm, however, was gathering, both in and out of Tammany.  Inside the organization, charges were common of monstrous frauds in the primaries.  Frauds against the Whigs were acceptable enough, but by Democrats against Democrats were intolerable.  So pronounced was the outcry over these frauds that the Tammany General Committee, in the Fall of 1843, directed that in future the ward meetings should be held on the same night and that only those whose names appeared on the poll lists should be allowed to vote.21

Outside criticism materialized in an independent reform movement.  It found a rallying point in the Native American or American Republican party, which previously had polled about 9,000 votes.  It resented the intrusion of foreigners into politics, large numbers of whom had secured office.  It was partially industrial in its character and following;  numbers of American workingmen believed that with 100,000 immigrants 22 pouring into this country every year they would soon have to be satisfied with a shilling or twenty cents a day for their labor, instead of $1.50 they were receiving.  The native element also complained of the organization of the Irish into a distinct and separate element, with a high Roman Catholic prelate at its head, in order to get part of the public school funds.  The discussion of the public school question only the more accentuated hatreds, bringing to the surface the most delicate questions touching the religious feelings and prejudices of the major part of the community.

Tammany nominated Jonathan I. Coddington for Mayor, and placed very few naturalized citizens on its ticket.  The Native American candidate was James Harper, and the Whig, Morris Franklin.

Mayor Morris called a meeting in Tammany Hall at which resolutions were passed denouncing the Common Council for its corruption and its failure to carry out reform.  The advocates of the new party declared that they were not to be deceived.  Their campaign was carried on with vigor.  Honest men generally were roused against both Tammany and the Whigs.  Religious and racial vituperation were partially cast aside and forgotten for the time when the reform men took hold of the movement;  not wholly so, however, for we find one of the chief native orators declaring in a campaign speech that “the American Republicans will not be found with Roman Catholics in the same ranks.”  This bigotry was overlooked, inasmuch as the Native Americans promised city reform, good police, reductions in taxes, clean streets and economical expenditure of the public money.  The community was pervaded by a profound sense of the corruption and inefficiency of the old parties, and ordinary political lines were forgotten.

Tammany made desperate efforts to carry the election.  On the preceding night, convicts in batches of twenty and thirty were taken from Blackwell’s Island to New York, where they were lodged, and the next day given Democratic ballots, free lunch and in some instances were employed to electioneer.23

The Native Americans won, however, the vote standing:  Harper, 24,606; Coddington, 20,726;  Franklin, 5,207.  The new administration was a distinct disappointment.  Though it had a majority in the Common Council, it accomplished few or none of the reforms its supporters had promised.  The scramble for office continued as before;  municipal improvements progressed slowly, and though salaries and appropriations were cut to some extent, taxes and expenditures increased.  A part of this increase was doubtless justified, but the people had been promised reduction, and they refused to take into account the fiscal needs of a rapidly growing city.  The administration further weakened its hold by passing and enforcing stringent “blue laws.” Not only were the unfortunate women of the streets warred upon and quiet drinking places raided, but irritating measures, such as the prohibiting of fireworks on the Fourth of July and the driving of apple women and other vendors from the streets, were taken.  The result was a public reaction.

Mayor Harper was a quaint character, and his odd rulings when presiding in Special Sessions were the talk of the town.  If a shoemaker, for instance, was arraigned before him, he would say:  Well, we want shoemakers on the island, so we’ll send you up for three months, and be smart while you last, John, be smart.”  Or, in the instance of a man who claimed to be “a sort of carpenter”:  “Well, we’ll send you up for two months to round your apprenticeship, and the city will take care of your lodging and board, Matthew.”

In the reaction that set in, many voters swung back to Tammany on the general belief that it was no worse than the other parties.  This change of sentiment put the organization in good form to carry the city for James K. Polk in November, 1844.  A short time before this there had come into distinction one of the most effective auxiliaries of the Wigwam.  This was the Empire Club,24 of No. 28 Park Row.  Its chief was Captain Isaiah Rynders, and its membership was made up of a choice variety of picked worthies who could argue a mooted point to a finish with knuckles.  Rynders had a most varied career before entering New York politics.  A gambler in New Orleans, he mixed in some bowie and pistol fights there in which he was cut severely on the head and elsewhere, and his hat was perforated by a bullet.  On a Mississippi steamboat he drove O’Rourke, a pugilist, out of the saloon with a red-hot poker, after O’Rourke had lost at faro and had attempted to kill the winner.  These were but a few of his many diversions.  In Washington he was arrested with Breedlove and Jewell on suspicion of being connected with the theft of a large sum in Treasury notes, though no proof was found against him.  He was a very considerable power in the Wigwam for over twenty years, frequently officiating at meetings there.  Chief among the club’s other members of like proclivities were such noted fighters and “unterrified Democrats” as “Country McCleester” (McClusky), “Bill” Ford, “Manny” Kelly, John Ling, “Mike” Phillips, “Bill” Miner, “Denny” McGuire, “Ike” Austin, “Tom” McGuire, “Tom” Freeman and “Dave” Scandlin.  After the nomination of Henry Clay, “Johnny” Austin — a common report of the day had it — was offered the sum of $2,000 to bring himself and five of his associates — McClusky, Kelly, Ford, Scandlin and Phillips — into the Unionist Club (a Whig organization) with the hope that they could secure success to the Whigs in the city.  Offices also were promised, but the offers were refused;  whether because the Wigwam held forth greater inducements is not clear.

Aided by these worthies, and by the popular indignation against the reform administration, the Wigwam men grew confident.  They were now heard boasting that they intended electing their entire ticket.  There being no longer fear of the Registry law (which the Wigwam had recently influenced a friendly Legislature to repeal on the ground of its discriminative application to New York City alone), fraud was open and general.  The vote on its face proved this;  since, while New York City could claim a legitimate vote of only 45,000, the Polk electors were credited with 28,216, and the Clay electors with 26,870 votes.  For James G. Birney, the Abolition candidate, but 118 votes,were polled, or at least counted.

The Tammany General Committee, on January 13, 1845, passed resolutions favoring the annexation of Texas and calling a public meeting.  With a view of glorifying John Tyler — to whom they owed their positions — and at the same time of winning the good will of the incoming administration, the Custom House officers tried to anticipate the committee’s action, but were not allowed to use the hall.  Resolved, at any rate, to control the meeting regularly called, they crowded two thousand of their creatures, under the leadership of Rynders, into the Wigwam.  The meeting was soon one of uproar, turbulence and some fighting.  Rynders had his resolutions adopted “amid yells, shouts, screams, oaths, cheers, blasphemy, hisses and an uproar never before known in the pandemonium of politics.”  It was the generally expressed opinion that the time had come when the proceedings of a meeting at Tammany Hall were no longer to be considered as any certain indication of the opinions of the Democratic party;  that a class of men who chose to organize themselves for the purpose, by being early on the ground, acting in concert and clamoring according to certain understood signals, could carry any set of resolutions they pleased, in the very teeth of the large majority of the Democratic party.

In the local campaign of 1845 Tammany acted sagaciously.  It nominated William F. Havemeyer for Mayor, laying stress on the fact that he was a “native New Yorker.”  The Native Americans renominated Harper, and the Whigs, Dudley Selden.  The vote stood:  Havemeyer, 24,183;  Harper, 17,472;  Selden, 7,082.  Tammany secured a majority of 26 on joint ballot in the Common Council — the real power.

Mayor Havemeyer sincerely tried to effect reforms.  In the beginning of his term he urged the fact that the Common Council united in itself nearly all the executive with all the legislative power, and declared that its main business was to collect and distribute, through the various forms of patronage, nearly a million and a half dollars a year.25  His attacks upon the arbitrary powers and corrupt practises of the Common Council made so little impression upon that body that on May 13, the very first day of convening, the Aldermen, immediately after the reading of the Mayor’s message, removed not-less than seventy officials, from the heads of departments to Street Inspectors;26  and on subsequent days the process was continued until every post was filled with a Tammany man.

But the effect upon the public mind was such that in 1846 a new charter was drafted and adopted, which deprived the Common Council of the power which it hitherto had enjoyed of appointing the heads of departments, and gave their election direct to the people.

Mayor Havemeyer not being pliable enough for the Wigwam leaders, they nominated and elected, in the Spring of 1846, Andrew H. Mickle, by a vote of 21,675, the Whigs receiving 15,111, and the Native Americans 8,301.27  Mayor Mickle was regarded as “one of the people.”  He was born in a shanty in the “bloody old Sixth,” in the attic of which a dozen pigs made their habitation.  Marrying the daughter of the owner of a large tobacco house, he later became its proprietor.  He improved his opportunities, business and official, so well that he died worth over a million dollars.

to be continued....



1 It will be remembered that in 1828 the Sachems had bought back a lease on the building in order to shut out the Adams men.  The lease had again been let, but under restrictions which left the Sachems the power to determine what faction should be entitled to the use of the hall.
2 These details are of the greatest importance as revealing the methods by which the society asserted its absolute ascendency over the organization.  They proved the absurdity of the claim that the two bodies were distinct and separate from each other.
3 The New Yorker (magazine), January 13, 1838.  This journal was edited and published by Horace Greeley.
4 January 11, 1838.  The credit for this temporary purification must in considerable measure be given to the Evening Post’s editors, William Cullen Bryant and William Leggett.

Chapter 14

1 The New Yorker, January 20, 1838.
2 Ibid., February 17, 1838.  James Parton, in his biography of Horace Greeley, attributes the latter’s conversion and life-long devotion to Socialist principles in large part to the frightful sufferings which he witnessed in New York City, in the Winter of 1838.
3 Bloodgood was the son of Abraham Bloodgood, one of the earliest Tammany politicians.  The son likewise achieved considerable influence in the organization.  He was for a long time a Police Justice.  He will be met with again toward the end of this chapter.
4 Confession of Hart Marks, one of the leaders, before Justice Lowndes in the lower Police Court, November 6, 1838, and of Jonathan D. Stevenson and others in the Recorder’s Court, October 20,1840.
5 Documents of the Board of Aldermen, 1844-45, XI, No. 51.
6 Varian was a rugged, popular, but not over-educated man.  Sir Charles Lyell, the noted British geologist, once asked him questions as to the formation of Manhattan Island.  Varian said he had dug a well on his farm at Murray Hill and after going through “a stratagem of sand and a stratagem of clay they struck a stratagem of red rock.”  At another time, while reading a New York newspaper at the Stanwix House in Albany, Varian remarked to Walter Bowne, then Mayor, that they had a new Street Inspector in New York City.  “Indeed ! who is he ?”  “A perfect stranger,” replied Varian;  and he read from the paper:  “‘Last evening the wind suddenly changed to the north, and this morning, thanks to Old Boreas, our streets are in a passable condition.’  Old Boreas,” said Varian, reflectively, “I thought I knew every Democrat in New York, but I never heard of him.”
7 In 1834 the Board of Assistant Aldermen had passed a resolution in favor of the registry of voters, and the Native American Association, early in 1838, had petitioned the Legislature similarly.  The Whigs seized hold of the movement as political capital for themselves.
8 Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, Vol. XVIII, pp. 404-5.
9 Ibid., Vol XX, pp. 229-30.
10 Ogden was a Tammany politician of considerable importance.  At the time of Swartwout’s flight he was the Cashier of the Custom House, a post which he had held for several years.  He was also a director of the Seventh Ward Bank.
11 The exact amount was $1,222,705.69.  House Executive Document, No. 13, Twenty-fifth Congress, Third Session;  also House Report, No. 313.
12 A pathetic tale is told of an American meeting Swartwout in Algiers, several years after this episode, and of the defaulter crying like a child over his enforced exile from the land of his birth.
13 Jesse Hoyt, another Sachem, succeeded Swartwout as Collector of the Port.  Hoyt was charged, about this time, with having defaulted in the sum of $30,000 in dealings with certain Wall street brokers.  The Superior Court Judgment Roll for 1839-40 records two judgments against him, secured by Effingham H. Warner, one for $10,000 and one for $5,747.72.  Both judgments were satisfied within a few years after his assumption of the Collectorship of the Port.
14 See “Articles of Impeachment,” Journal and Documents of the Board of Assistant Aldermen, 1839, Vol. XIII, No. 12 and No. 25.
15 Court Minutes, New York Common Pleas, record of February 19 and 20, 1839.  (These records are neither paged nor indexed.) The Common Pleas of this time was popularly known as the Mayor’s Court; and the Judges were the Mayor, Recorder and certain Aldermen.  The later Court of Common Pleas was not established until 1856.
16 A curious reason for the dismissal was given in the decision of the Judges.  It was that the charges had not been individually sworn to.  It appeared, therefore, that the Board of Assistant Aldermen, acting in its official capacity in formulating impeachment proceedings, was not a recognizable party before the Court of Common Pleas.
17 Journal and Documents of the Board of Assistant Aldermen, 1839-40, Vol. XV, No. 71.  The reason for dismissing these charges was identical with that given in the case of Bloodgood.  A statement of the case is given in the report of District Attorney James R. Whiting to the Board of Aldermen during this year.  See Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, 1840, Vol. XIX, pp. 135-37.  The Common Pleas volume for 1840 is missing from its place in the County Court Building.
18 Session Minutes, 1840.
19 Ibid.
Chapter 15

1 The statement was made at a reform meeting in City Hall Park on April 11, 1844, that from 1841 to 1844 not less than 11,000 foreigners had been naturalized at $1 a head, though the legal fee was $5.  The Judges, the speaker said on the authority of Judge Vanderpoel, signed their names to the papers without asking questions.
2 This was the first election in the city occupying only one day.  Before 1840 three days were used.  The vote stood:  Varian, 21,243;  J. Phillips Phoenix (Whig), 19,622;  scattering, 36;  total, 40,901.
3 The Whigs had formed committees in imitation of the Tammany organization.
4 Election of 1841:  Robert H. Morris (Tammany), 18,605;  J. Phillips Phoenix (Whig), 18,206;  Samuel F.B. Morse, 77;  scattering, 45;  total, 36,933.
5 Election of 1842;  Morris, 20,633;  Phoenix, 18,755;  total, 39,388.
6 Documents of the Board of Aldermen, 1839, No. 29.  The Weekly Herald, February 15, 1840, stated that official documents showed, for the previous ten months, a total of nineteen riots, twenty-three murders and nearly 150 fires, the latter involving a loss of about $7,000,000.
7 See Documents of the Board of Aldermen, Vol. VIII, No. 35, and No. 41, 1843-44, for extended accounts.
8 Mayor Morris’s Message, July, 1842.
9 Documents of the Board of Aldermen, Vol. VIII, No. 22.
10 Ibid., 1842-43, No. 5.
11 Ibid., Vol. IX, No. 69.
12 Ibid., Vol. X, part 1, No. 46.
13 Senate Documents, 1842, Vol. IV, No. 100.
14 Ibid.
15 Message of Mayor Morris, 1843.
16 Message of Mayor Morris, 1843.
17 Ibid.
18 Report of Commissioners of the Almshouse, Documents of the Board of Aldermen, Vol. XI, No. 40.
19 Ibid.; 400.
20 Ibid.; see also Presentment of Grand Jury, Ibid., Vol. X, part I, No. 53.
21 About this time the general committee was enlarged.  Until now the delegates had been selected from each ward.  In 1843 the practise was begun of sending them from each election district.
22 Sixty thousand of these entered the port of New York yearly.  The total immigration rose to 154,000 in 1846 and to 427,000 in 1854.
23 Documents of the Board of Aldermen, 1844-45, Vol. XI, No. 40.
24 Within a few months after its organization the Empire Club had thirty-three parades and had been hired to go to Albany, Trenton, Tarrytown and other cities to help the Democracy.  Whenever the Empire Club met a rival political club, a fight was sure to follow.
25 Annual Message, 1845.
26 Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, Vol. XXIX, pp. 1-55.
27 Tammany won by a minority vote both in 1845 and in 1846.  That neither Tammany nor the Native Americans had enacted any competent reforms in the matter of the taxation of property was conclusively shown in an Aldermanic report of 1846.  It appeared from this report that thirty million dollars’ worth of assessable property escaped taxation every year, and that no bona fide efforts were being made by the officials to remedy this state of affairs.  Proceedings of the Board of Assistant Aldermen, Vol. XXIX, Document No. 24.




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