Anna sums up neatly at the end with her comment.I totally agree that these actions set in motion by Roosevelt in 1933,imo lost the country to a foreign agent.There have been arguments to just who that foreign agent is.Very revealing with what he says about the bankers. That bankers are still part of the equation, particularly if we flash forward the 75 years to the 2009 depression,which was largely enabled by Clinton gutting the banking regulations before leaving office.Regulations put in place by congress during the Roosevelt administration's to prevent another 'crisis' is astonishing to me!Not only are they still in business,the astute among us,have come to find out that we have been put up as surety and sentenced to a life of servitude said bankers.Yes the bankers have got to go,there is no credibility to be found among them.
#1336
By Anna Von Reitz
For you --- the First Inaugural Speech of FDR, which is the only one that truly counts, de-constructed
with all key legal terms of art in purple. These are all terms that a person with a normal 7th or 8th
grade education (the standard for law written at this time) could not possibly be expected to know as
legal terms apart from their common meaning. Please note that two days later on March 6, 1933,
FDR addressed The Conference of Governors (private, Territorial) and secured the "pledge" of "their
states" and "citizenry thereof"---- which could only and exclusively mean the British Territorial United
States and the Territorial States of States put in place during the Reconstruction Era:
SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I
will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This
is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink
from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured,
will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to
fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert
retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has
met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am
convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God,
only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has
fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are
frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers
find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally
great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts.
Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not
afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have
multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the
supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through
their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated.
Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected
by the hearts and minds of men.
True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by
failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by
which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations,
pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers.
They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which
we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of
creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase
of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true
destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with
the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only
by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in
banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish
wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on
the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it
cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action
now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely
and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself,
treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this
employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our
natural resources.
Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial
centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of
the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the
values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be
helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small
homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments
act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of
relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by
national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and
other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be
helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of
the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and
investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there must be
provision for an adequate but sound currency.
There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed
measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and
making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point
of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a
practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by
international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that
accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.
It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all
parts of the United States--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the
American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest
assurance that the recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor--the
neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the
neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a
world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our
interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are
to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of
a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes
effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline,
because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good.
This
I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our
people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have
inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to
meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form.
That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political
mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of
foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly
adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand
and need for un-delayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public
procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the
midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may
build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to
speedy adoption.
But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that
the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then
confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad
Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to
me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no
less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear
consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from
the stem performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and
permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed.
In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked
for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their
wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one
of us. May He guide me in the days to come.
__________________________________________
Comment: each and every single one of the words appearing in purple are special legal terms and
words of art having particular meanings and implications that no eighth grader on Earth could be
expected to know.
What he basically said in "Federal-ese" is that he was going to conscript everyone, seize upon their
lives and property as "gifts", "pledge" it all to royal and religious institutional creditors (primarily the
Holy See), regulate everything especially labor and utilities to high Hell for government profits, redistribute
wealth and displace populations, impose gag orders on the media, and prey upon the
actual American People for the "good" of the "democracy" of the "United States" ----which virtually
everyone in that audience interpreted as meaning The United States and as America, not the
separate foreign hegemony of the deceptively similarly-named British Territorial United States.
Anyone still want to claim that it was "our fault" and that we '"voluntarily" "consented" to all of this
crap and that we were given "full disclosure" of what FDR set in motion and all the false claims in
commerce and the false conscriptions and confiscations that he and his pals in the Democratic
Party pulled against the innocent American States and People?
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