"BEHOLD A PALE HORSE"
Milton William Cooper
Chapter 15
PROTOCOLS
OF THE
WISE MEN OF ZION
The Protocols of Zion were referred to in the late 1700's. The first copy
available to public scrutiny surfaced in the early 1800's. Every aspect of this
plan to subjugate the world has since become reality, validating the authenticity
of conspiracy.
Author's Note: This is an exact reprint of the original text.
This has been written intentionally to deceive people. For
clear understanding, the word "Zion" should be "Sion"; any
reference to "Jews" should be replaced with the word "Illuminati";
and the word "goyim" should be replaced with the
word "cattle."
Here is "The Britons" translation of the complete text of the
notorious Nilus "Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion."
PROTOCOLS OF THE
MEETINGS OF THE
LEARNED ELDERS OF ZION
PROTOCOL
NO. 1
Putting aside fine phrases we shall speak of the significance
of each thought: by comparisons and deductions we shall throw light
upon surrounding facts.
What I am about to set forth, then, is our system from the two
points of view, that of ourselves and that of the goyim (i.e., non-Jews).
It must be noted that men with bad instincts are more in number
than the good, and therefore the best results in governing them are
attained by violence and terrorisation, and not by academic discussions.
Every man aims at power, everyone would like to become a dictator
if only he could, and rare indeed are the men who would not be
willing to sacrifice the welfare of all for the sake of securing their
own welfare.
What has restrained the beasts of prey who are called men? What
has served for their guidance hitherto? [I reject that beasts of prey crap,humanity is far more invested in life then they want to tell you.A very very small % of the population are the ones on the one way street of war.The people of the Earth should say enough of the killing and pillaging the resources of others! DC]
In the beginnings of the structure of society they were subjected
to brutal and blind force; afterwards to Law, which is the same
force, only disguised. I draw the conclusion that by the law of nature
right lies in force.[Here in lies their mistake,they are not dealing with nature,in fact they are dealing with Spiritual Beings living in the flesh DC]
Political freedom is an idea but not a fact. This idea one must
know how to apply whenever it appears necessary with this bait of
an idea to attract the masses of the people to one's party for the
purpose of crushing another who is in authority. This task is rendered
easier if the opponent has himself been infected with the idea of
freedom, so-called liberalism, and, for the sake of an idea, is willing to yield some of his power. It is precisely here that the triumph of
our theory appears: the slackened reins of government are immediately,
by the law of life, caught up and gathered together by a new hand,
because the blind might of the nation cannot for one single day exist
without guidance, and the new authority merely fits into the place
of the old already weakened by liberalism.
In our day the power which has replaced that of the rulers who
were liberal is the power of Gold. Time was when Faith ruled. The
idea of freedom is impossible of realization because no one knows how
to use it with moderation. It is enough to hand over a people to self-government
for a certain length of time for that people to be turned
into a dis-organised mob. From that moment on we get internecine
strife which soon develops into battles between classes, in the midst
of which States burn down and their importance is reduced to that
of a heap of ashes.[Faith does not rule,it Lives! DC]
Whether a State exhausts itself in its own convulsions, whether its
internal discord brings it under the power of external foes—in any
case it can be accounted irretrievably lost: it is in our power. The
despotism of Capital, which is entirely in our hands, reaches out to it
a straw that the State, willy-nilly, must take hold of: if not—it goes
to the bottom.[THE MAJOR mistake of Congress in the last 105 years.Congress according to the Constitution,shall coin the nation's money,not the private sector,Congress needs to take back this Power DC]
Should anyone of a liberal mind say that such reflections as the
above are immoral I would put the following questions:—If every
State has two foes and if in regard to the external foe it is allowed
and not considered immoral to use every manner and art of conflict,
as for example to keep the enemy in ignorance of plans of attack and
defense, to attack him by night or in superior numbers, then in what
way can the same means in regard to a worse foe, the destroyer of the
structure of society and the commonweal, be called immoral and not
permissible?
Is it possible for any sound logical mind to hope with any success
to guide crowds by the aid of reasonable counsels and arguments, when
any objection or contradiction, senseless though it may be, can be
made and when such objection may find more favor with the people
whose powers of reasoning are superficial? Men in masses and the men
of the masses, being guided solely by petty passions, paltry beliefs
customs, traditions and sentimental theorism, fall a prey to party distention,
which hinders any kind of agreement even on the basis of a perfectly reasonable argument. Every resolution of a crowd depends
upon a chance or packed majority, which, in its ignorance of political
secrets, puts forth some ridiculous resolution that lays in the administration
a seed of anarchy.
The political has nothing in common with the moral. The ruler
who is governed by the moral is not a skilled politician, and is therefore
unstable on his throne. He who wishes to rule must have recourse
both to cunning and to make-believe. Great national qualities, like
frankness and honesty, are vices in politics, for they bring down rulers
from their thrones more effectively and more certainly than the most
powerful enemy. Such qualities must be the attributes of the kingdoms
of the goyim, but we must in no wise be guided by them.
Our right lies in force. The word "right" is an abstract thought
and proved by nothing. The word means no more than:—Give me
what I want in order that thereby I might have a proof that I am
stronger than you.
Where does right begin? Where does it end?
In any State in which there is a bad organisation of authority, an
impersonality of laws and of the rulers who have lost their personality
amid the flood of rights ever multiplying out of liberalism, I find
a new right—to attack by the right of the strong, and to scatter to
the winds all existing forces of order and regulation, to reconstruct
all institutions and to become the sovereign lord of those who have
left to us the rights of their power by laying them down voluntarily
in their liberalism.
Our power in the present tottering condition of all forms of power
will be more invincible than any other, because it will remain invisible
until the moment when it has gained such strength that no cunning
can any longer undermine it.
Out of the temporary evil we are now compelled to commit will
emerge the good of an unshakeable rule, which will restore the regular
course of the machinery of the national life, brought to naught by
liberalism. The result justifies the means. Let us, however, in our plans,
direct our attention not so much to what is good and moral as to what
is necessary and useful.
Before us is a plan in which is laid down strategically the line
from which we cannot deviate without running the risk of seeing the
labor of many centuries brought to naught.
In order to elaborate satisfactory forms of action it is necessary to
have regard to the rascality, the slackness, the instability of the mob,
its lack of capacity to understand and respect the conditions of its own
life, or its own welfare. It must be understood that the might of a
mob is blind, senseless and unreasoning force ever at the mercy of a
suggestion from any side. The blind cannot lead the blind without
bringing them into the abyss; consequently, members of the mob,
upstarts from the people even though they should be as a genius for
wisdom, yet having no understanding of the political, cannot come
forward as leaders of the mob without bringing the whole nation
to ruin.
Only one trained from childhood for independent rule can have
understanding of the words that can be made up of the political
alphabet.
A people left to itself, i.e., to upstarts from its midst, brings itself
to ruin by party dissensions excited by the pursuit of power and
honor's and disorders arising therefrom. Is it possible for the masses
of the people calmly and without petty jealousies to form judgments,
to deal with the affairs of the country, which cannot be mixed up
with personal interests? Can they defend themselves from an external
foe? It is unthinkable, for a plan broken up into as many parts as there
are heads in the mob, loses all homogeneity, and thereby becomes
unintelligible and impossible of execution.
It is only with a despotic ruler that plans can be elaborated extensively
and clearly in such a way as to distribute the whole properly
among the several parts of the machinery of the State: from this the
conclusion is inevitable that a satisfactory form of government for
any country is one that concentrates in the hands of one responsible
person. Without an absolute despotism there can be no existence for civilization which is carried on not by the masses but by their guide,
whosoever that person may be. The mob is a savage and displays its
savagery at every opportunity. The moment the mob seizes freedom
in its hands it quickly turns to anarchy, which in itself is the highest
degree of savagery.
Behold the alcoholic animals, bemused with drink, the right to
an immoderate use of which comes along with freedom. It is not for
us and ours to walk that road. The peoples of the goyim are bemused
with alcoholic liquors; their youth has grown stupid on classicism and from early immorality, into which it has been inducted by our special
agents—by tutors, lackeys, governesses in the houses of the wealthy,
by clerks and others, by our women in the places of dissipation frequented
by the goyim. In the number of these last I count also the
so-called "society ladies," voluntary followers of the others in corruption
and luxury.
Our countersign is—Force and Make-believe. Only force conquers
in political affairs, especially if it be concealed in the talents essential
to statesmen. Violence must be the principle, and cunning and make believe
the rule for governments which do not want to lay down their
crowns at the feet of agents of some new power. This evil is the one
and only means to attain the end, the good. Therefore we must not
stop at bribery, deceit and treachery when they should serve towards
the attainment of our end. In politics one must know how to seize the
property of others without hesitation if by it we secure submission
and sovereignty.
Our State, marching along the path of peaceful conquest, has the
right to replace the horrors of war by less noticeable and more satisfactory
sentences of death, necessary to maintain the terror which
tends to produce blind submission. Just but merciless severity is the
greatest factor of strength in the State: not only for the sake of gain
but also in the name of duty, for the sake of victory, we must keep
to the program of violence and make-believe. The doctrine of
squaring accounts is precisely as strong as the means of which it makes
use. Therefore it is not so much by the means themselves as by the
doctrine of severity that we shall triumph and bring all governments
into subjection to our super-government. It is enough for them to
know that we are merciless for all disobedience to cease.
Far back in ancient times we were the first to cry among the masses
of the people the words "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," words many
times repeated since those days by stupid poll-parrots who from all
sides round flew down upon these baits and with them carried away
the well-being of the world, true freedom of the individual, formerly
so well guarded against the pressure of the mob. The would-be wise
men of the goyim, the intellectuals, could not make anything out of
the uttered words in their abstractness; did not note the contradiction
of their meaning and inter-relation: did not see that in nature there
is no equality, cannot be freedom: that Nature herself has established inequality of minds, of characters, and capacities, just as immutably
as she has established subordination to her laws: never stopped to think
that the mob is a blind thing, that upstarts elected from among it to
bear rule are, in regard to the political, the same blind men as the
mob itself, that the adept, though he be a fool, can yet rule, whereas
the non-adept, even if he were a genius, understands nothing in the
political—to all these things the goyim paid no regard; yet all the time
it was based upon these things that dynastic rule rested: the father
passed on to the son a knowledge of the course of political affairs in
such wise that none should know it but members of the dynasty and
none could betray it to the governed. As time went on the meaning
of the dynastic transference of the true position of affairs in the political
was lost, and this aided the success of our cause.
In all corners of the earth the words "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity"
brought to our ranks, thanks to our blind agents, whole legions who
bore our banners with enthusiasm. And all the time these words were
canker-worms at work boring into the well-being of the goyim, putting
an end everywhere to peace, quiet, solidarity and destroying all the
foundations of the goy States. As you will see later, this helped us
to our triumph; it gave us the possibility, among other things, of
getting into our hands the master card—the destruction of the privileges,
or in other words of the very existence of the aristocracy of
the goyim, that class which was the only defense peoples and countries
had against us. On the ruins of the natural and genealogical aristocracy
of the goyim we have set up the aristocracy of our educated class
headed by the aristocracy of money. The qualifications for this aristocracy
we have established in wealth, which is dependent upon us,
and in knowledge, for which our learned elders provide the motive
force.
Our triumph has been rendered easier by the fact that in our relations
with the men whom we wanted we have always worked upon
the most sensitive chords of the human mind, upon the cash account,
upon the cupidity, upon the insatiability for material needs of man;
and each one of these human weaknesses, taken alone, is sufficient to paralyze initiative, for it hands over the will of men to the disposition
of him who has bought their activities.
The abstraction of freedom has enabled us to persuade the mob in
all countries that their government is nothing but the steward of the people who are the owners of the country, and that the steward may
be replaced like a worn-out glove.
It is this possibility of replacing the representatives of the people
which has placed them at our disposal, and, as it were, given us the
power of appointment.
PROTOCOL NO. 2
It is indispensable for our purpose that wars, so far as possible,
should not result in territorial gains: war will thus be brought on to
the economic ground, where the nations will not fail to perceive in
the assistance we give the strength of our predominance, and this state
of things will put both sides at the mercy of our international agentur;
which possesses millions of eyes ever on the watch and unhampered
by any limitations whatsoever. Our international rights will then wipe
out national rights, in the proper sense of right, and will rule the
nations precisely as the civil law of States rules the relations of their
subjects among themselves.
The administrators, whom we shall choose from among the public,
with strict regard to their capacities for servile obedience, will not be
persons trained in the arts of government, and will therefore easily
become pawns in our game in the hands of men of learning and genius
who will be their advisers, specialists bred and reared from early
childhood to rule the affairs of the into effect all the information available from science, which our
agentur specialists have cunningly pieced together for the purpose of
educating their minds in the direction we want.
Do not suppose for a moment that these statements are empty words:
think carefully of the successes we arranged for Darwinism, Marxism,
Nietzsche-ism. To us Jews, at any rate, it should be plain to see what
a disintegrating importance these directives have had upon the minds
of the goyim.
It is indispensable for us to take account of the thoughts, characters,
tendencies of the nations in order to avoid making slips in the political
and in the direction of administrative affairs. The triumph of our
system, of which the component parts of the machinery may be variously
disposed according to the temperament of the peoples met on
our way, will fail of success if the practical application of it be not
based upon a summing up of the lessons of the past in the light of
the present.
In the hands of the States of today there is a great force that
creates the movement of thought in the people, and that is the Press.
The part played by the Press is to keep pointing out requirements
supposed to be indispensable, to give voice to the complaints of the
people, to express and to create discontent. It is in the Press that the
triumph of freedom of speech finds its incarnation. But the goyim
States have not known how to make use of this force; and it has fallen
into our hands. Through the Press we have gained the power to
influence while remaining ourselves in the shade; thanks to the Press
we have got the gold in our hands, notwithstanding that we have had
to gather it out of oceans of blood and tears. But it has paid us, though
we have sacrificed many of our people. Each victim on our side is
worth in the sight of God a thousand goyim.
PROTOCOL NO. 3
Today I may tell you that our goal is now only a few steps off.
There remains a small space to cross and the whole long path we have
trodden is ready now to close its cycle of the Symbolic Snake, by which
we symbolize our people. When this ring closes, all the States of
Europe will be locked in its coil as in a powerful vice.
The constitution scales of these days will shortly break down, for
we have established them with a certain lack of accurate balance in order that they may oscillate incessantly until they wear through the
pivot on which they turn. The goyim are under the impression that
they have welded them sufficiently strong and they have all along kept
on expecting that the scales would come into equilibrium. But the
pivots—the kings on their thrones—are hemmed in by their representatives,
who play the fool, distraught with their own uncontrolled and
irresponsible power. This power they owe to the terror which has
been breathed into the palaces. As they have no means of getting at
their people, into their very midst, the kings on their thrones are no
longer able to come to terms with them and so strengthen themselves
against seekers after power. We have made a gulf between the farseeing
Sovereign Power and the blind force of the people so that both
have lost all meaning, for like the blind man and his stick, both are
powerless apart.
In order to incite seekers after power to a misuse of power we have
set all forces in opposition one to another, breaking up their liberal
tendencies towards independence. To this end we have stirred up every
form of enterprise, we have armed all parties, we have set up authority
as a target for every ambition. Of States we have made gladiatorial
arenas where a host of confused issues contend .... A little more,
and disorders and bankruptcy will be universal. . . .
Babblers inexhaustible have turned into oratorical contests the sittings
of Parliament and Administrative Boards. Bold journalists and
unscrupulous pamphleteers daily fall upon executive officials. Abuses
of power will put the final touch in preparing all institutions for
their overthrow and everything will fly skyward under the blows of
the maddened mob.
All people are chained down to heavy toil by poverty more firmly
than ever they were chained by slavery and serfdom; from these, one
way and another, they might free themselves, these could be settled
with, but from want they will never get away. We have included
in the constitution such rights as to the masses appear fictitious and not
actual rights. All these so-called "People's Rights" can exist only in
idea, an idea which can never be realized in practical life. What is it
to the proletariat laborer, bowed double over his heavy toil, crushed
by his lot in life, if talkers get the right to babble, if journalists get
the right to scribble any nonsense side by side with good stuff, once
the proletariat has no other profit out of the constitution save only those pitiful crumbs which we fling them from our table in return
for their voting in favor of what we dictate, in favor of the men
we place in power, the servants of our agentur. . . . Republican rights
for a poor man are no more than a bitter piece of irony, for the
necessity he is under of toiling almost all day gives him no present
use of them, but on the other hand robs him of all guarantee of regular
and certain earnings by making him dependent on strikes by his comrades
or lockouts by his masters.
The people under our guidance have annihilated the aristocracy, who were their one and only defense and foster-mother for the sake of their own advantage which is inseparably bound up with the well being of the people. Nowadays, with the destruction of the aristocracy, the people have fallen into the grips of merciless money-grinding scoundrels who have laid a pitiless and cruel yoke upon the necks of the workers.
We appear on the scene as alleged saviors of the worker from this oppression when we propose to him to enter the ranks of our fighting forces—Socialists, Anarchists, Communists—to whom we always give support in accordance with an alleged brotherly rule (of the solidarity of all humanity) of our social masonry. The aristocracy, which enjoyed by law the labor of the workers, was interested in seeing that the workers were well fed, healthy and strong. We are interested in just the opposite—in the diminution, the killing out of the GOYIM. Our power is in the chronic shortness of food and physical weakness of the worker because by all that this implies he is made the slave of our will, and he will not find in his own authorities either strength or energy to set against our will. Hunger creates the right of capital to rule the worker more surely than it was given to the aristocracy by the legal authority of kings.
By want and the envy and hatred which it engenders we shall move the mobs and with their hands we shall wipe out all those who hinder us on our way.
When the hour strikes for our Sovereign Lord of all the World to be crowned it is these same hands which will sweep away everything that might be a hindrance thereto.
The goyim have lost the habit of thinking unless prompted by the suggestions of our specialists. Therefore they do not see the urgent necessity of what we, when our kingdom comes, shall adopt at once,namely this, that it is essential to teach in national schools one simple, true piece of knowledge, the basis of all knowledge—the knowledge of the structure of human life, of social existence, which requires division of labour, and, consequently, the division of men into classes and conditions. It is essential for all to know that owing to difference in the objects of human activity there cannot be any equality, that he who by any act of his compromises a whole class cannot be equally responsible before the law with him who affects no one but only his own honour. The true knowledge of the structure of society, into the secrets of which we do not admit the goyim, would demonstrate to all men that the positions and work must be kept within a certain circle, that they may not become a source of human suffering, arising from an education which does not correspond with the work which individuals are called upon to do. After a thorough study of this knowledge the peoples will voluntarily submit to authority and accept such position as is appointed them in the State. In the present state of knowledge and the direction we have given to its development the people, blindly believing things in print—cherishes—thanks to promptings intended to mislead and to its own ignorance—a blind hatred towards all conditions which it considers above itself, for it has no understanding of the meaning of class and condition.
This hatred will be still further magnified by the effects of an economic crisis, which will stop dealings on the exchanges and bring industry to a standstill. We shall create by all the secret subterranean methods open to us and with the aid of gold, which is all in our hands, a universal economic crisis whereby we shall throw upon the streets whole mobs of workers simultaneously in all the countries of Europe. These mobs will rush delightedly to shed the blood of those whom, in the simplicity of their ignorance, they have envied from their cradles, and whose property they will then be able to loot.
"Ours" they will not touch, because the moment of attack will be known to us and we shall take measures to protect our own.
We have demonstrated that progress will bring all the goyim to the sovereignty of reason. Our despotism will be precisely that; for it will know how by wise severity to pacific-ate all unrest, to cauterize liberalism out of all institutions.
When the populace has seen that all sorts of concessions and indulgences are yielded it in the name of freedom it has imagined itself to be sovereign lord and has stormed its way to power, but, naturally, like every other blind man it has come upon a host of stumbling blocks, it has rushed to find a guide, it has never had the sense to return to the former state and it has laid down its plenipotentiary powers at our feet. Remember the French Revolution, to which it was we who gave the name of "Great": the secrets of its preparations are well known to us for it was wholly the work of our hands.
Ever since that time we have been leading the peoples from one disenchantment to another, so that in the end they should turn also from us in favor of that King-Despot of the blood of Zion, whom we are preparing for the world.
At the present day we are, as an international force, invincible, because if attacked by some we are supported by other States. It is the bottomless rascality of the goyim peoples, who crawl on their bellies to force, but are merciless towards weakness, unsparing to faults and indulgent to crimes, unwilling to bear the contradictions of a free social system but patient unto martyrdom under the violence of a bold despotism—it is those qualities which are aiding us to independence. From the premier-dictators of the present day the goyim peoples suffer patiently and bear such abuses as for the least of them they would have beheaded twenty kings.
What is the explanation of this phenomenon, this curious in-consequence of the masses of the peoples in their attitude towards what would appear to be events of the same order?
It is explained by the fact that these dictators whisper to the peoples through their agents that through these abuses they are inflicting injury on the States with the highest purpose—to secure the welfare of the peoples, the international brotherhood of them all, their solidarity and equality of rights. Naturally they do not tell the peoples that this unification must be accomplished only under our sovereign rule.
And thus the people condemn the upright and acquit the guilty, persuaded ever more and more that it can do whatsoever it wishes. Thanks to this state of things the people are destroying every kind of stability and creating disorders at every step.
The word "freedom" brings out the communities of men to fight against every kind of force, against every kind of authority, even against God and the laws of nature. For this reason we, when we come into our kingdom, shall have to erase this word from the lexicon of life as implying a principle of brute force which turns mobs into bloodthirsty beasts.
These beasts, it is true, fall asleep again every time when they have drunk their fill of blood, and at such times can easily be riveted into their chains. But if they be not given blood they will not sleep and continue to struggle.
Who and what is in a position to overthrow an invisible force? And this is precisely what our force is. Gentile masonry blindly serves as a screen for us and our objects, but the plan of action of our force, even its very abiding-place, remains for the whole people an unknown mystery.
But even freedom might be harmless and have its place in the State economy without injury to the well-being of the peoples if it rested upon the foundation of faith in God, upon the brotherhood of humanity, unconnected with the conception of equality, which is negatived by the very laws of creation, for they have established subordination. With such a faith as this a people might be governed by a wardship of parishes, and would walk contentedly and humbly under the guiding hand of its spiritual pastor submitting to the dispositions of God upon earth. This is the reason why it is indispensable for us to undermine all faith, to tear out of the minds of the GOYIM the very principle of Godhead and the spirit, and to put in its place arithmetical calculations and material needs.
In order to give the goyim no time to think and take note, their minds must be diverted towards industry and trade. Thus, all the nations will be swallowed up in the pursuit of gain and in the race for it will not take note of their common foe. But again, in order that freedom may once for all disintegrate and ruin the communities of the goyim, we must put industry on a speculative basis: the result of this will be that what is withdrawn from the land by industry will slip through the hands and pass into speculation, that is, to our classes.
The intensified struggle for superiority and shocks delivered to economic life will create, nay, have already created, disenchanted, cold and heartless communities. Such communities will foster a strong aversion towards the higher political and towards religion. Their only guide is gain, that is Gold, which they will erect into a veritable cult, for the sake of those material delights which it can give. Then will the hour strike when, not for the sake of attaining the good, not even to win wealth, but solely out of hatred towards the privileged, the lower classes of the goyim will follow our lead against our rivals for power, the intellectuals of the goyim.
We shall be told that such a despotism as I speak of is not consistent with the progress of these days, but I will prove to you that it is. In the times when the peoples looked upon kings on their thrones as on a pure manifestation of the will of God, they submitted without a murmur to the despotic power of kings: but from the day when we insinuated into their minds the conception of their own rights they began to regard the occupants of thrones as mere ordinary mortals. The holy unction of the Lord's Anointed has fallen from the heads of kings in the eyes of the people, and when we also robbed them of their faith in God the might of power was flung upon the streets into the place of public proprietorship and was seized by us.
Moreover, the art of directing masses and individuals by means of cleverly manipulated theory and verbiage, by regulations of life in common and all sorts of other quirks, in all which the goyim understand nothing, belongs likewise to the specialists of our administrative brain. Reared on analysis, observation, on delicacies of fine calculation, in this species of skill we have no rivals, any more than we have either in the drawing up of plans of political actions and solidarity. In this respect the Jesuits alone might have compared with us, but we have contrived to discredit them in the eyes of the unthinking mob as an overt organisation, while we ourselves all the while have kept our secret organisation in the shade. However, it is probably all the same to the world who is its sovereign lord, whether the head of Catholicism or our despot of the blood of Zion! But to us, the Chosen People, it is very far from being a matter of indifference.
For a time perhaps we might be successfully dealt with by a coalition of the GOYIM of all the world: but from this danger we are secured by the discord existing among them whose roots are so deeply seated that they can never now be plucked up. We have set one against another the personal and national reckonings of the goyim, religious and race hatreds, which we have fostered into a huge growth in the course of the past twenty centuries. This is the reason why there is not one State which would anywhere receive support if it were to raise its arm, for every one of them must bear in mind that any agreement against us would be unprofitable to itself. We are too strong—there is noevading our power. The nations cannot come to even an inconsiderable private agreement without our secretly having a hand in it.
Per Me reges regnant. "It is through Me that Kings reign." And it was said by the prophets that we were chosen by God Himself to rule over the whole earth. God has endowed us with genius that we may be equal to our task. Were genius in the opposite camp it would still struggle against us, but even so a newcomer is no match for the old-established settler: the struggle would be merciless between us, such a fight as the world has never yet seen. Aye, and the genius on their side would have arrived too late. All the wheels of the machinery of all States go by the force of the engine, which is in our hands, and that engine of the machinery of States is—Gold. The science of political economy invented by our learned elders has for long past been giving royal prestige to capital.[No you idiots,you are not chosen,because this is what The Lord says about the Prophets of Jerusalem....For both prophet and priest are profane; yea, in my house have I found their wickedness, saith the LORD.
Capital, if it is to co-operate untrammelled, must be free to establish a monopoly of industry and trade: this is already being put in execution by an unseen hand in all quarters of the world. This freedom will give political force to those engaged in industry, and that will help to oppress the people. Nowadays it is more important to disarm the peoples than to lead them into war: more important to use for our advantage the passions which have burst into flames than to quench their fire: more important to catch up and interpret the ideas of others to suit ourselves than to eradicate them. The principal object of our directorate consists in this: to debilitate the public mind by criticism; to lead it away from serious reflections calculated to arouse resistance; to distract the forces of the mind towards a sham fight of empty eloquence.
In all ages the peoples of the world, equally with individuals, have accepted words for deeds, for they are content with a show and rarely pause to note, in the public arena, whether promises are followed by performance. Therefore we shall establish show institutions which will give eloquent proof of their benefit to progress.
We shall assume to ourselves the liberal physiognomy of all parties, of all directions, and we shall give that physiognomy a voice in orators who will speak so much that they will exhaust the patience of their hearers and produce an abhorrence of oratory. In order to put public opinion into our hands we must bring it into a state of bewilderment by giving expression from all sides to so many contradictory opinions and for such length of time as will suffice to make the GOYIM lose their heads in the labyrinth and come to see that the best thing is to have no opinion of any kind in matters political, which it is not given to the public to understand, because they are understood only by him who guides the public. This is the first secret. The second secret requisite for the success of our government is comprised in the following: To multiply to such an extent national failings, habits, passions, conditions of civil life, that it will be impossible for anyone to know where he is in the resulting chaos, so that the people in consequence will fail to understand one another. This measure will also serve us in another way, namely, to sow discord in all parties, to dislocate all collective forces which are still unwilling to submit to us, and to discourage any kind of personal initiative which might in any degree hinder our affair. There is nothing more dangerous than personal initiative; if it has genius behind it, such initiative can do more than can be done by millions of people among whom we have sown discord. We must so direct the education of the goyim communities that whenever they come upon a matter requiring initiative they may drop their hands in despairing impotence. The strain which results from freedom of action saps the forces when it meets with the freedom of another. From this collision arise grave moral shocks, disenchantments, failures. By all these means toe shall so wear down the goyim that they will be compelled to offer us international power of a nature that by its position will enable us without any violence gradually to absorb all the State forces of the world and to form a Super-Government. In place of the rulers of to-day we shall set up a bogey which will be called the Super-Government Administration. Its hands will reach out in all directions like nippers and its organisation will be of such colossal dimensions that it cannot fail to subdue all the nations of the world.
You gentlemen here present who are economists, just strike an estimate of the significance of this combination! . . .
In every possible way we must develop the significance of our Super-Government by representing it as the Protector and Benefactor of all those who voluntarily submit to us.
The aristocracy of the goyim as a political force, is dead—we need not take it into account; but as landed proprietors they can still be harmful to us from the fact that they are self-sufficing in the resources upon which they live. It is essential therefore for us at whatever cost to deprive them of their land. This object will be best attained by increasing the burdens upon landed property—in loading lands with debts. These measures will check land-holding and keep it in a state of humble and unconditional submission.
The aristocrats of the goyim, being hereditarily incapable of contenting themselves with little, will rapidly burn up and fizzle out.
At the same time we must intensively patronize trade and industry, but, first and foremost, speculation, the part played by which is to provide a counterpoise to industry: the absence of speculative industry will multiply capital in private hands and will serve to restore agriculture by freeing the land from indebtedness to the land banks. What we want is that industry should drain off from the land both labor and capital and by means of speculation transfer into our hands all the money of the world, and thereby throw all the goyim into the ranks of the proletariat. Then the goyim will bow down before us, if for no other reason but to get the right to exist.
To complete the ruin of the industry of the goyim we shall bring to the assistance of speculation the luxury which we have developed among the goyim, that greedy demand for luxury which is swallowing up everything. We shall raise the rate of wages which, however, will not bring any advantage to the workers, for, at the same time, we shall produce a rise in prices of the first necessaries of life, alleging that it arises from the decline of agriculture and cattle-breeding: we shall further undermine artfully and deeply sources of production, by accustoming the workers to anarchy and to drunkenness and side by side therewith taking all measure to extirpate from the face of the earth all the educated forces of the GOYIM.
In order that the true meaning of things may not strike the GOYIM before the proper time we shall mask it under an alleged ardent desire to serve the working classes and the great principles of political economy about which our economic theories are carrying on an energetic propaganda.
Throughout all Europe, and by means of relations with Europe, in other continents also, we must create ferments, discords and hostility. Therein we gain a double advantage. In the first place we keep in check all countries, for they well know that we have the power whenever we like to create disorders or to restore order. All these countries are accustomed to see in us an indispensable force of coercion. In the second place, by our intrigues we shall tangle up all the threads which we have stretched into the cabinets of all States by means of politics, by economic treaties, or loan obligations. In order to succeed in this we must use great cunning and penetration during negotiations and agreements, but, as regards what is called the "official language," we shall keep to the opposite tactics and assume the mask of honesty and compliance. In this way the peoples and governments of the goyim, whom we have taught to look only at the outside of whatever we present to their notice, will still continue to accept us as the benefactors and savior's of the human race. [all you delusional assholes can fuck off and die as far as I am concerned,savior's my ass,you clowns murdered your king,and all the denial and spin in the world,will not change what happened to My Brother when He sojourned on the Earth! DC]
We must be in a position to respond to every act of opposition by war with the neighbors of that country which dares to oppose us: but if these neighbors should also venture to stand collectively together against us, then we must offer resistance by a universal war.
The principal factor of success in the political is the secrecy of its undertakings: the word should not agree with the deeds of the diplomat. [In other words...doublespeak DC]
We must compel the governments of the goyim to take action in the direction favored by our widely conceived plan, already approaching the desired consummation, by what we shall represent as public opinion, secretly prompted by us through the means of that so-called "Great Power"—the Press, which, with a few exceptions that may be disregarded, is already entirely in our hands.
In a word, to sum up our system of keeping the governments of the goyim in Europe in check, we shall show our strength to one of them by terrorist attempts[That would be you France currently DC] and to all, if we allow the possibility of a general rising against us, we shall respond with the guns of America or China or Japan.
We shall surround our government with a whole world of economists. That is the reason why economic sciences form the principal subject of the teaching given to the Jews. Around us again will be a whole constellation of bankers, industrialists, capitalists and—the main thing—millionaires, because in substance everything will be settled by the question of figures.
For a time, until there will no longer be any risk in entrusting responsible posts in our States to our brother-Jews, we shall put them in the hands of persons whose past and reputation are such that between them and the people lies an abyss, persons who, in case of disobedience to our instructions, must face criminal charges or disappear—this in order to make them defend our interest to their last gasp.[In other words, the useful idiot's that serve their fascist Zionist Pig Masters must be blackmailable DC]
The words of the liberal, which are in effect the words of our masonic watchword, namely, "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," will, when we come into our kingdom, be changed by us into words no longer of a watchword, but only an expression of idealism, namely, into: "The" right of liberty, the duty of equality, the ideal of brotherhood." That is how we shall put it,—and so we shall catch the bull by the horns. . . . De facto we have already wiped out every kind of rule except our own, although de jure there still remain a good many of them. Nowadays, if any States raise a protest against us it is only pro forma at our discretion and by our direction, for their antisemitism is indispensable to us for the management of our lesser brethren. I will not enter into further explanations, for this matter has formed the subject of repeated discussions among us.
For us there are no checks to limit the range of our activity. Our Super-Government subsists in extra-legal conditions which are described in the accepted terminology by the energetic and forcible word— Dictatorship. I am in a position to tell you with a clear conscience that at the proper time we, the law-givers, shall execute judgment and sentence, we shall slay and we shall spare, we, as head of all our troops, are mounted on the steed of the leader. We rule by force of will, because in our hands are the fragments of a once powerful party, now vanquished by us. And the weapons in our hands are limitless ambitions, burning greediness, merciless vengeance, hatreds and malice.
It is from us that the all-engulfing terror proceeds. We have in our service persons of all opinions, of all doctrines, restorating monarchists, demagogues, socialists, communists, and utopian dreamers of every kind. We have harnessed them all to the task: each one of them on his own account is boring away at the last remnants of authority, is striving to overthrow all established form of order. By these acts all States are in torture; they exhort to tranquility, are ready to sacrifice everything for peace: but we will not give them peace until they openly acknowledge our international Super-Government, and with submissiveness. [The abomination falsely called Israel is about to go up in flames along with their plans,because they make the mistake of thinking they are waging war against man,when in fact they are at war with the Almighty Creator of all things,their arrogance will be their downfall DC]
The people have raised a howl about the necessity of settling the question of Socialism by way of an international agreement. Division into fractional parties has given them into our hands, for, in order to carry on a contested struggle one must have money, and the money is all in our hands. [BULLSHIT,we can print 'money' out of thin air also,and lend it at NO INTEREST,to anyone who is in need.DC]
We might have reason to apprehend a union between the "clear sighted" force of the goy kings on their thrones and the "blind" force of the goy mobs, but we have taken all the needful measure against any such possibility: between the one and the other force we have erected a bulwark in the shape of a mutual terror between them. In this way the blind force of the people remains our support and we, and we only, shall provide them with a leader and, of course, direct them along the road that leads to our goal.
In order that the hand of the blind mob may not free itself from our guiding hand, we must every now and then enter into close communion with it, if not actually in person, at any rate through some of the most trusty of our brethren. When we are acknowledged as the only authority we shall discuss with the people personally on the market places, and we shall instruct them on questions of the political in such wise as may turn them in the direction that suits us.
Who is going to verify what is taught in the village schools? But what an envoy of the government or a king on his throne himself may say cannot but become immediately known to the whole State, for it will be spread abroad by the voice of the people.
In order not to annihilate the institution's of the goyim before it is time we have touched them with craft and delicacy, and have taken hold of the ends of the springs which move their mechanism. These springs lay in a strict but just sense of order; we have replaced them by the chaotic license of liberalism. We have got our hands into the administration of the law, into the conduct of elections, into the press, into liberty of the person, but principally into education and training as being the corner-stones of a free existence.
We have fooled, bemused and corrupted the youth of the GOYIM by rearing them in principles and theories which are known to us to be false although it is by. us that they have been inculcated.
Above the existing laws without substantially altering them, and by merely twisting them into contradictions of interpretations, we have erected something grandiose in the way of results. These results found expression first in the fact that the interpretations masked the laws: afterwards they entirely hid them from the eyes of the governments owing to the impossibility of making anything out of the tangled web of legislation.
This is the origin of the theory of course of arbitration.
You may say the goyim will rise upon us, arms in hand, if they guess what is going on before the time comes; but in the West we have against this a maneuver of such appalling terror that the very stoutest hearts quail—the undergrounds, metropolitan, those subterranean corridors which, before the time comes, will be driven under all the capitals and from whence those capitals will be blown into the air with all their organisations and archives.[In other words these fascist pigs through 'public art' have placed nukes in various cities in the ultimate act of nuclear blackmail. DC]
The mob cherishes a special affection and respect for the geniuses of political power and accepts all their deeds of violence with the admiring response: "rascally, well, yes, it is rascally, but it's clever! ... a trick, if you like, but how craftily played, how magnificently done, what impudent audacity!" . . . [more wishful bullshit from liars and murderers DC]
We count upon attracting all nations to the task of erecting the new fundamental structure, the project for which has been drawn up by us. This is why, before everything, it is indispensable for us to arm ourselves and to store up in ourselves that absolutely reckless audacity and irresistible might of the spirit which in the person of our active workers will break down all hindrances on our way.
When we have accomplished our coup d'etat we shall say then to the various peoples: "Everything has gone terribly badly, all have been worn out with sufferings. We are destroying the causes of your torment—nationalities, frontiers, differences of coinages. You are at liberty, of course, to pronounce sentence upon us, but can it possibly be a just one if it is confirmed by you before you make any trial of what we are offering you." . . . Then will the mob exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a unanimous triumph of hopes and expectations. Voting, which we have made the instrument which will set us on the throne of the world by teaching even the very smallest units of members of the human race to vote by means of meetings and agreements by groups, will then have served its purposes and will play its part then for the last time by a unanimity of desire to make close acquaintance with us before condemning us.
To secure this we must have everybody vote without distinction of classes and qualifications, in order to establish an absolute majority, which cannot be got from the educated propertied classes. In this way, by inculcating in all a sense of self-importance, we shall destroy among the goyim the importance of the family and its educational value and remove the possibility of individual minds splitting off, for the mob, handled by us, will not let them come to the front nor even give them a hearing; it is accustomed to listen to us only who pay it for obedience and attention. In this way we shall create a blind, mighty force which will never be in a position to move in any direction without the guidance of our agents set at its head by us as leaders of the mob. The people will submit to this regime because it will know that upon these leaders will depend its earnings, gratifications and the receipt of all kinds of benefits.
A scheme of government should come ready made from one brain, because it will never be clinched firmly if it is allowed to be split into fractional parts in the minds of many. It is allowable, therefore, for us to have cognizance of the scheme of action but not to discuss it lest we disturb its artfulness, the interdependence of its component parts, the practical force of the secret meaning of each clause. To discuss and make alterations in a labor of this kind by means of numerous voting's is to impress upon it the stamp of all ratiocination's and misunderstandings which have failed to penetrate the depth and nexus of its plotting's. We want our schemes to be forcible and suitably concocted. Therefore WE OUGHT NOT TO FLING THE WORK OF GENIUS OF OUR GUIDE to the fangs of the mob or even of a select company.
These schemes will not turn existing institutions upside down just yet. They will only affect changes in their economy and consequently in the whole combined movement of their progress, which will thus be directed along the paths laid down in our schemes.
Under various names there exists in all countries approximately one and the same thing. Representation, Ministry, Senate, State Council, Legislative and Executive Corps. I need not explain to you the mechanism of the relation of these institutions to one another, because you are aware of all that; only take note of the fact that each of the above-named institutions corresponds to some important function of the State, and I would beg you to remark that the word "important" I apply not to the institution but to the function, consequently it is not the institutions which are important but their functions. These institutions have divided up among themselves all the functions of government— administrative, legislative, executive, wherefore they have come to operate as do the organs in the human body. If we injure one part in the machinery of State, the State falls sick, like a human body, and will die.
When we introduced into the State organism the poison of Liberalism its whole political complexion underwent a change. -States have been seized with a mortal illness—blood-poisoning. All that remains is to await the end of their death agony.
Liberalism produced Constitutional States, which took the place of what was the only safeguard of the goyim, namely, Despotism; and a constitution, as you well know, is nothing else but a school of discords, misunderstandings, quarrels, disagreements, fruitless party agitations, party whims—in a word, a school of everything that serves to destroy the personality of State activity. The tribune of the "talkeries" has, no less effectively than the Press, condemned the rulers to inactivity and impotence, and thereby rendered them useless and superfluous, for which reason indeed they have been in many countries deposed. Then it was that the era of republics became possible of realization; and then it was that we replaced the ruler by a caricature of a government—by a president, taken from the mob, from the midst of our puppet creatures, our slaves. This was the foundation of the mine which we have laid under the goy people, I should rather say, under the goy peoples. [And you folks who think Trump is not in their pocket need to wake up,as HIS genealogy suggests that HE himself is Jewish,as Trump is not his given name. DC]
In the near future we shall establish the responsibility of presidents.
By that time we shall be in a position to disregard forms in carrying through matters for which our personal puppet will be responsible. What do we care if the ranks of those striving for power should be thinned, if there should arise a deadlock from the impossibility of finding presidents, a deadlock which will finally disorganize the country?
In order that our scheme may produce this result we shall arrange elections in favor of such presidents as have in their past some dark, undiscovered stain, some "Panama" or other—then they will be trustworthy agents for the accomplishment of our plans out of fear of revelations and from the natural desire of everyone who has attained power, namely, the retention of privileges, advantages and honor connected with the office of president. The chamber of deputies will provide cover for, will protect, will elect the president, but we shall take from it the right to propose new, or make changes in existing laws, for this right will be given by us to the responsible president, a puppet in our hands. Naturally, the authority of the president will then become a target for every possible form of attack, but we shall provide him with a means of self-defense in the right of an appeal to the people, for the decision of the people over the heads of their representatives, that is to say, an appeal to that same blind slave of ours— the majority of the mob. Independently of this we shall invest the president with the right of declaring a state of war. We shall justify this last right on the ground that the president as chief of the whole army of the country must have it at his disposal, in case of need for the defense of the new republican constitution, the right to defend which will belong to him as the responsible representative of this constitution.
It is easy to understand that in these conditions the key of the shrine will lie in our hands, and no one outside of ourselves will any longer direct the force of legislation.
Besides this we shall, with the introduction of the new republican constitution, take from the Chamber the right of interrelation on government measures, on the pretext of preserving political secrecy, and, further, we shall by the new constitution reduce the number of representatives to a minimum, thereby proportionately reducing political passions and the passion for politics. If, however, they should, which is hardly to be expected, burst into flame, even in this minimum, we shall nullify them by a stirring appeal and a reference to the majority of the whole people. . . . Upon the president will depend the appointment of presidents and vice-presidents of the Chamber and the Senate. Instead of constant sessions of Parliaments we shall reduce their sittings to a few months. Moreover, the president, as chief of the executive power, will have the right to summon and dissolve Parliament, and, in the latter case, to prolong the time for the appointment of a new parliamentary assembly. But in order that the consequences of all these acts which in substance are illegal, should not, prematurely for our plans, fall upon the responsibility established by us of the president, toe shall instigate ministers and other officials of the higher administration about the president to evade his dispositions by taking measures of their own, for doing which they will be made the scapegoats in his place. . . . This part we especially recommend to be given to be played by the Senate, the Council of State, or the Council of Ministers, but not to an individual official.
The president will, at our discretion, interpret the sense of such of the existing laws as admit of various interpretation; he will further annul them when we indicate to him the necessity to do so, besides this, he will have the right to propose temporary laws, and even new departures in the government constitutional working, the pretext both for the one and other being the requirements for the supreme welfare of the State. [Fuck your delusional idea of the State,you are nothing more then parasites DC]
By such measures we shall obtain the power of destroying little by little, step by step, all that at the outset when we enter on our rights, we are compelled to introduce into the constitutions of States to prepare for the transition to an imperceptible abolition of every kind of constitution, and then the time is come to turn every form of government into our despotism.
The recognition of our despot may also come before the destruction of the constitution; the moment for this recognition will come when the peoples, utterly wearied by the irregularities and incompetence— a matter which we shall arrange for—of their rulers, will clamor: "Away with them and give us one king over all the earth who will unite us and annihilate the causes of discords—frontiers, nationalities, religions, State debts—who will give us peace and quiet, which we cannot find under our rulers and representatives." [NOT going to happen,what IS going to happen is that the abomination falsely called Israel will be destroyed in one day,because of their fascist designs toward humanity,as the People's pleas,have reached His Throne,and you have been found guilty,Woe to you fascist pigs,your 70 year reign of terror is up. DC]
But you yourselves perfectly well know that to produce the possibility of the expression of such wishes by all the nations it is indispensable to trouble in all countries the people's relations with their governments so as to utterly exhaust humanity with dissension, hatred, struggle, envy and even by the use of torture, by starvation, BY THE INOCULATION OF DISEASES, by want, so that the GOYIM see no other issue than to take refuge in our complete sovereignty in money and in all else.
But if we give the nations of the world a breathing space the moment we long for is hardly likely ever to arrive. [I will say it again,they have made this fatal error in judgment thinking they are fighting nations,while openly mocking The Creator of all things DC]
This, then, is the program of the new constitution. We shall make Law, Right and Justice (1) in the guise of proposals to the Legislative Corps, (2) by decrees of the president under the guise of general regulations, of orders of the Senate and of resolutions of the State Council in the guise of ministerial orders, (3) and in case a suitable occasion should arise—in the form of a revolution in the State.
Having established approximately the modus agendi we will occupy ourselves with details of those combinations by which we have still to complete the revolution in the course of the machinery of State in the direction already indicated. By these combinations I mean the freedom of the Press, the right of association, freedom of conscience, the voting principle, and many another that must disappear for ever from the memory of man, or undergo a radical alteration the day after the promulgation of the new constitution. It is only at that moment that we shall be able at once to announce all our orders, for, afterwards, every noticeable alteration will be dangerous, for the following reasons: if this alteration be brought in with harsh severity and in a sense of severity and limitations, it may lead to a feeling of despair caused by fear of new alterations in the same direction; if, on the other hand, it be brought in in a sense of further indulgences it will be said that we have recognized our own wrongdoing and this will destroy the prestige of the infallibility of our authority, or else it will be said that we have become alarmed and are compelled to show a yielding disposition, for which we shall get no thanks because it will be supposed to be compulsory. . . . Both the one and the other are injurious to the prestige of the new constitution. What we want is that from the first moment of its promulgation, while the peoples of the world are still stunned by the accomplished fact of the revolution, still in a condition of terror and uncertainty, they should recognize once for all that we are so strong, so inexpugnable, so super abundantly filled with power, that in no case shall we take any account of them, and so far from paying any attention to their opinions or wishes, we are ready and able to crush with irresistible power all expression or manifestation thereof at every moment and in every place, that we have seized at once everything we wanted and shall in no case divide our power with them. . . . Then in fear and trembling they will close their eyes to everything, and be content to await what will be the end of it all.[Dream on you self righteous pigs DC]
The goyim are a flock of sheep, and we are their wolves. And you know what happens when the wolves get hold of the flock? . . .
There is another reason also why they will close their eyes: for we shall keep promising them to give back all the liberties we have taken away as soon as we have quelled the enemies of peace and tamed all parties. . . . [There shall be NO PEACE,and you can take that to your bank with it's worthless 'money' created out of thin air DC]
It is not worth while to say anything about how long a time they will be kept waiting for this return of their liberties. . . .
For what purpose then have we invented this whole policy and insinuated it into the minds of the goys without giving them any chance to examine its underlying meaning? For what, indeed, if not in order to obtain in a roundabout way what is for our scattered tribe unattainable by the direct road? It is this which has served as the basis for our organisation of SECRET MASONRY WHICH IS NOT KNOWN TO, AND AIMS WHICH ARE NOT EVEN SO MUCH AS SUSPECTED BY, THESE GOY CATTLE, ATTRACTED BY US INTO THE "SHOW ARMY OF MASONIC LODGES IN ORDER TO THROW DUST IN THE EYES OF THEIR FELLOWS.
God has granted to us, His Chosen People, the gift of the dispersion, and in this which appears in all eyes to be our weakness, has come forth all our strength, which has now brought us to the threshold of sovereignty over all the world. There now remains not much more for us to build up upon the foundation we have laid. [The world does not matter you supposed 'wise' idiots of Zion.The Earth like Heaven belongs to The Lord, your god is finished,he has been a liar and a murderer from the beginning,and you impostor's are his children DC]
Freedom is the right to do that which the law allows. This interpretation of the word will at the proper time be of service to us, because all freedom will thus be in our hands, since the laws will abolish or create only that which is desirable for us according to the aforesaid program.
We shall deal with the press in the following way: What is the part played by the press to-day? It serves to excite and inflame those passions which are needed for our purpose or else it serves selfish ends of parties. It is often vapid, unjust, mendacious, and the majority of the public have not the slightest idea what ends the press really serves. We shall saddle and bridle it with a tight curb: we shall do the same also with all productions of the printing press, for where would be the sense of getting rid of the attacks of the press if we remain targets for pamphlets and boob? The produce of publicity, which nowadays is a source of heavy expense owing to the necessity of censoring it, will be turned by us into a very lucrative source of income to our State: we shall lay on it a special stamp tax and require deposits of caution-money before permitting the establishment of any organ of the press or of printing offices; these will then have to guarantee our government against any kind of attack on the pan of the press. For any attempt to attack us, if such still be possible, we shall inflict fines without mercy. Such measures as stamp tax, deposit of caution-money and fines secured by these deposits, will bring in a huge income to the government. It is true that party organs might not spare money for the sake of publicity, but these we shall shut up at the second attack upon us. No one shall with impunity lay a finger on the aureole of our government infallibility. The pretext for stopping any publication will be the alleged plea that it is agitating the public mind without occasion or justification. I beg you to note that among those making attacks upon us will also be organs established by us, but they will attack exclusively points that we have pre-determined to alter.
Not a single announcement will reach the public without our control. Even now this is already being attained by us inasmuch as all news items are received by a few agencies, in whose offices they are focused from all parts of the world. These agencies will then be already entirely ours and will give publicity only to what we dictate to them.
If already now we have contrived to possess ourselves of the minds of the goy communities to such an extent that they all come near looking upon the events of the world through the colored glasses of those spectacles we are setting astride their noses: if already now there is not a single State where there exist for us any barriers to admittance into what goy stupidity calls State secrets: what will our position be then, when we shall be acknowledged supreme lords of the world in the person of our king of all the world.... [That is going to be hard to do,considering you murdered your king,who by the way left that piece of shit called Jerusalem,desolate and forsaken DC]
Let us turn again to the future of the printing press. Every one desirous of being a publisher, librarian, or printer, will be obliged to provide himself with the diploma instituted therefor, which, in case of any fault, will be immediately impounded. With such measures the instrument of thought will become an educative means in the hands of our government, which will no longer allow the mass of the nation to be led astray in by-ways and fantasies about the blessings of progress. Is there any one of us who does not know that these phantom blessings are the direct roads to foolish imaginings which give birth to anarchical relations of men among themselves and towards authority, because progress, or rather the idea of progress, has introduced the conception of every kind of emancipation, but has failed to establish its limits. . . . All the so-called liberals are anarchists, if not in fact, at any rate in thought. Every one of them is hunting after phantoms of freedom, and falling exclusively into license, that is, into the anarchy of protest for the sake of protest. . .
We turn to the periodical press. We shall impose on it, as on all printed matter, stamp taxes per sheet and deposits of caution-money, and books of less than 30 sheets will pay double. We shall reckon them as pamphlets in order, on the one hand, to reduce the number of magazines, which are the worst form of printed poison, and, on the other, in order that this measure may force writers into such lengthy productions that they will be little read, especially as they will be costly. At the same time what we shall publish ourselves to influence mental development in the direction laid down for our profit will be cheap and will be read voraciously. The tax will bring vapid literary ambitions within bounds and the liability to penalties will make literary men dependent upon us. And if there should be any found who are desirous of writing against us, they will not find any person eager to print their productions. Before accepting any production for publication in print the publisher or printer will have to apply to the authorities for permission to do so. Thus we shall know beforehand of all tricks preparing against us and shall nullify them by getting ahead with explanations on the subject treated of.
Literature and journalism are two of the most important educative forces, and therefore our government will become proprietor of the majority of the journals. This will neutralize the injurious influence of the privately owned press and will put us in possession of a tremendous influence upon the public mind. ... If we give permits for ten journals, we shall ourselves found thirty, and so on in the same proportion. This, however, must in nowise be suspected by the public.
For which reason all journals published by us will be of the most opposite, in appearance, tendencies and opinions, thereby creating confidence in us and bringing over to us our quite unsuspicious opponents, who will thus fall into our trap and be rendered harmless.
In the front rank will stand organs of an official character. They will always stand guard over our interests, and therefore their influence will be comparatively insignificant.[The idiots DC]
In the second rank will be the semi-official organs, whose part it will be to attract the tepid and indifferent.[The useful idiots DC]
In the third rank we shall set up our own, to all appearance, opposition, which, in at least one of its organs, will present what looks like the very antipodes to us. Our real opponents at heart will accept this simulated opposition as their own and will show us their cards.[The fake ass Alex Jones type idiots,who use different means of deflecting people from looking at the fascist Zionist PIGS behind ALL the terror on the planet,stupid idiots admit as much in these VERY writings of Zionist propaganda DC]
All our newspapers will be of all possible complexions—aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchical—for so long, of course, as the constitution exists. . . . Like the Indian idol Vishnu they will have a hundred hands, and every one of them will have a finger on any one of the public opinions as required. When a pulse quickens these hands will lead opinion in the direction of our aims, for an excited patient loses all power of judgment and easily yields to suggestion. Those fools who will think they are repeating the opinion of a newspaper of their own camp will be repeating our opinion or any opinion that seems desirable for us. In the vain belief that they are following the organ of their party they will in fact follow the flag which we hang out for them.
In order to direct our newspaper militia in this sense we must take especial and minute care in organizing this matter. Under the title of central department of the press we shall institute literary gatherings at which our agents will without attracting attention issue the orders and watchwords of the day. By discussing and controverting, but always superficially, without touching the essence of the matter, our organs will carry on a sham fight fusillade with the official newspapers solely for the purpose of giving occasion for us to express ourselves more fully than could well be done from the outset in official announcements, whenever, of course, that is to our advantage.
These attacks upon us will also serve another purpose, namely, that our subjects will be convinced of the existence of full freedom of speech and so give our agents an occasion to affirm that all organs which oppose us are empty babblers, since they are incapable of finding any substantial objections to our orders.
Methods of organisation like these, imperceptible to the public eye but absolutely sure, are the best calculated to succeed in bringing the attention and the confidence of the public to the side of our government. Thanks to such methods we shall be in a position as from time to time may be required, to excite or to tranquilize the public mind on political questions, to persuade or to confuse, printing now truth, now lies, facts or their contradictions, according as they may be well or ill received, always very cautiously feeling our ground before stepping upon it. . . . We shall have a sure triumph over our opponents since they will not have at their disposition organs of the press in which they can give full and final expression to their views owing to the aforesaid methods of dealing with the press. We shall not even need to refute them except very superficially. [This is why the Internet scares these fascist pigs so badly DC]
Trial shots like these, fired by us in the third rank of our press, in case of need, will be energetically refuted by us in our semiofficial organs.
Even nowadays, already, to take only the French press, there are forms which reveal masonic solidarity in acting on the watchword: all organs of the press are bound together by professional secrecy; like the augurs of old, not one of their numbers will give away the secret of his sources of information unless it be resolved to make announcement to them. Not one journalist will venture to betray this secret, for not one of them is ever admitted to practice literature unless his whole past has some disgraceful sore or other. . . . These sores would be immediately revealed. So long as they remain the secret of a few the prestige of the journalist attracts the majority of the country—the mob follows after him with enthusiasm.
Our calculations are especially extended to the provinces. It is indispensable for us to inflame there those hopes and impulses with which we could at any moment fall upon the capital, and we shall represent to the capitals that these expressions are the independent hopes and impulses of the provinces. Naturally, the source of them will be always one and the same—ours. What we need is that, until such time as we are in the plenitude of power, the capitals should find themselves stifled by the provincial opinion of the nation, i.e., of a majority arranged by our agentur. What we need is that at the psychological moment the capitals should not be in a position to discuss an accomplished fact for the simple reason, if for no other, that it has been accepted by the public opinion of a majority in the provinces.
When we are in the period of the new regime transitional to that of our assumption of full sovereignty we must not admit any revelations by the press of any form of public dishonesty; it is necessary that the new regime should be thought to have so perfectly contented everybody that even criminality has disappeared. , . . Cases of the manifestation of criminality should remain known only to their victims and to chance witnesses—no more.
NEXT the remaining 12 protocol's of Zionist bullshit 302s
The people under our guidance have annihilated the aristocracy, who were their one and only defense and foster-mother for the sake of their own advantage which is inseparably bound up with the well being of the people. Nowadays, with the destruction of the aristocracy, the people have fallen into the grips of merciless money-grinding scoundrels who have laid a pitiless and cruel yoke upon the necks of the workers.
We appear on the scene as alleged saviors of the worker from this oppression when we propose to him to enter the ranks of our fighting forces—Socialists, Anarchists, Communists—to whom we always give support in accordance with an alleged brotherly rule (of the solidarity of all humanity) of our social masonry. The aristocracy, which enjoyed by law the labor of the workers, was interested in seeing that the workers were well fed, healthy and strong. We are interested in just the opposite—in the diminution, the killing out of the GOYIM. Our power is in the chronic shortness of food and physical weakness of the worker because by all that this implies he is made the slave of our will, and he will not find in his own authorities either strength or energy to set against our will. Hunger creates the right of capital to rule the worker more surely than it was given to the aristocracy by the legal authority of kings.
By want and the envy and hatred which it engenders we shall move the mobs and with their hands we shall wipe out all those who hinder us on our way.
When the hour strikes for our Sovereign Lord of all the World to be crowned it is these same hands which will sweep away everything that might be a hindrance thereto.
The goyim have lost the habit of thinking unless prompted by the suggestions of our specialists. Therefore they do not see the urgent necessity of what we, when our kingdom comes, shall adopt at once,namely this, that it is essential to teach in national schools one simple, true piece of knowledge, the basis of all knowledge—the knowledge of the structure of human life, of social existence, which requires division of labour, and, consequently, the division of men into classes and conditions. It is essential for all to know that owing to difference in the objects of human activity there cannot be any equality, that he who by any act of his compromises a whole class cannot be equally responsible before the law with him who affects no one but only his own honour. The true knowledge of the structure of society, into the secrets of which we do not admit the goyim, would demonstrate to all men that the positions and work must be kept within a certain circle, that they may not become a source of human suffering, arising from an education which does not correspond with the work which individuals are called upon to do. After a thorough study of this knowledge the peoples will voluntarily submit to authority and accept such position as is appointed them in the State. In the present state of knowledge and the direction we have given to its development the people, blindly believing things in print—cherishes—thanks to promptings intended to mislead and to its own ignorance—a blind hatred towards all conditions which it considers above itself, for it has no understanding of the meaning of class and condition.
This hatred will be still further magnified by the effects of an economic crisis, which will stop dealings on the exchanges and bring industry to a standstill. We shall create by all the secret subterranean methods open to us and with the aid of gold, which is all in our hands, a universal economic crisis whereby we shall throw upon the streets whole mobs of workers simultaneously in all the countries of Europe. These mobs will rush delightedly to shed the blood of those whom, in the simplicity of their ignorance, they have envied from their cradles, and whose property they will then be able to loot.
"Ours" they will not touch, because the moment of attack will be known to us and we shall take measures to protect our own.
We have demonstrated that progress will bring all the goyim to the sovereignty of reason. Our despotism will be precisely that; for it will know how by wise severity to pacific-ate all unrest, to cauterize liberalism out of all institutions.
When the populace has seen that all sorts of concessions and indulgences are yielded it in the name of freedom it has imagined itself to be sovereign lord and has stormed its way to power, but, naturally, like every other blind man it has come upon a host of stumbling blocks, it has rushed to find a guide, it has never had the sense to return to the former state and it has laid down its plenipotentiary powers at our feet. Remember the French Revolution, to which it was we who gave the name of "Great": the secrets of its preparations are well known to us for it was wholly the work of our hands.
Ever since that time we have been leading the peoples from one disenchantment to another, so that in the end they should turn also from us in favor of that King-Despot of the blood of Zion, whom we are preparing for the world.
At the present day we are, as an international force, invincible, because if attacked by some we are supported by other States. It is the bottomless rascality of the goyim peoples, who crawl on their bellies to force, but are merciless towards weakness, unsparing to faults and indulgent to crimes, unwilling to bear the contradictions of a free social system but patient unto martyrdom under the violence of a bold despotism—it is those qualities which are aiding us to independence. From the premier-dictators of the present day the goyim peoples suffer patiently and bear such abuses as for the least of them they would have beheaded twenty kings.
What is the explanation of this phenomenon, this curious in-consequence of the masses of the peoples in their attitude towards what would appear to be events of the same order?
It is explained by the fact that these dictators whisper to the peoples through their agents that through these abuses they are inflicting injury on the States with the highest purpose—to secure the welfare of the peoples, the international brotherhood of them all, their solidarity and equality of rights. Naturally they do not tell the peoples that this unification must be accomplished only under our sovereign rule.
And thus the people condemn the upright and acquit the guilty, persuaded ever more and more that it can do whatsoever it wishes. Thanks to this state of things the people are destroying every kind of stability and creating disorders at every step.
The word "freedom" brings out the communities of men to fight against every kind of force, against every kind of authority, even against God and the laws of nature. For this reason we, when we come into our kingdom, shall have to erase this word from the lexicon of life as implying a principle of brute force which turns mobs into bloodthirsty beasts.
These beasts, it is true, fall asleep again every time when they have drunk their fill of blood, and at such times can easily be riveted into their chains. But if they be not given blood they will not sleep and continue to struggle.
PROTOCOL NO. 4
Every republic passes through several stages. The first of these is
comprised in the early days of mad raging by the blind mob, tossed
hither and thither, right and left: the second is demagogy, from which
is born anarchy, and that leads inevitably to despotism—not any longer
legal and overt, and therefore responsible despotism, but to unseen
and secretly hidden, yet nevertheless sensibly felt despotism in the
hands of some secret organisation or other, whose acts are the more
unscrupulous inasmuch as it works behind a screen, behind the backs
of all sorts of agents, the changing of whom not only does not
injuriously affect but actually aids the secret force by saving it, thanks
to continual changes, from the necessity of expending its resources on
the rewarding of long services. Who and what is in a position to overthrow an invisible force? And this is precisely what our force is. Gentile masonry blindly serves as a screen for us and our objects, but the plan of action of our force, even its very abiding-place, remains for the whole people an unknown mystery.
But even freedom might be harmless and have its place in the State economy without injury to the well-being of the peoples if it rested upon the foundation of faith in God, upon the brotherhood of humanity, unconnected with the conception of equality, which is negatived by the very laws of creation, for they have established subordination. With such a faith as this a people might be governed by a wardship of parishes, and would walk contentedly and humbly under the guiding hand of its spiritual pastor submitting to the dispositions of God upon earth. This is the reason why it is indispensable for us to undermine all faith, to tear out of the minds of the GOYIM the very principle of Godhead and the spirit, and to put in its place arithmetical calculations and material needs.
In order to give the goyim no time to think and take note, their minds must be diverted towards industry and trade. Thus, all the nations will be swallowed up in the pursuit of gain and in the race for it will not take note of their common foe. But again, in order that freedom may once for all disintegrate and ruin the communities of the goyim, we must put industry on a speculative basis: the result of this will be that what is withdrawn from the land by industry will slip through the hands and pass into speculation, that is, to our classes.
The intensified struggle for superiority and shocks delivered to economic life will create, nay, have already created, disenchanted, cold and heartless communities. Such communities will foster a strong aversion towards the higher political and towards religion. Their only guide is gain, that is Gold, which they will erect into a veritable cult, for the sake of those material delights which it can give. Then will the hour strike when, not for the sake of attaining the good, not even to win wealth, but solely out of hatred towards the privileged, the lower classes of the goyim will follow our lead against our rivals for power, the intellectuals of the goyim.
PROTOCOL NO. 5
What form of administrative rule can be given to communities in
which corruption has penetrated everywhere, communities where riches
are attained only by the clever surprise tactics of semi-swindling
tricks; where looseness reigns: where morality is maintained by penal
measures and harsh laws but not by voluntary accepted principles:
where the feelings towards faith and country are obliterated by cosmopolitan
convictions? What form of rule is to be given to these
communities if not that despotism which I shall describe to you
later? We shall create an intensified centralization of government
in order to grip in our hands all the forces of the community.
We shall regulate mechanically all the actions of the political life
of our subjects by new laws. These laws will withdraw one by one
all the indulgences and liberties which have been permitted by the
goyim, and our kingdom will be distinguished by a despotism of such magnificent proportions as to be at any moment and in every place in
a position to wipe out any goyim who oppose us by deed or word. We shall be told that such a despotism as I speak of is not consistent with the progress of these days, but I will prove to you that it is. In the times when the peoples looked upon kings on their thrones as on a pure manifestation of the will of God, they submitted without a murmur to the despotic power of kings: but from the day when we insinuated into their minds the conception of their own rights they began to regard the occupants of thrones as mere ordinary mortals. The holy unction of the Lord's Anointed has fallen from the heads of kings in the eyes of the people, and when we also robbed them of their faith in God the might of power was flung upon the streets into the place of public proprietorship and was seized by us.
Moreover, the art of directing masses and individuals by means of cleverly manipulated theory and verbiage, by regulations of life in common and all sorts of other quirks, in all which the goyim understand nothing, belongs likewise to the specialists of our administrative brain. Reared on analysis, observation, on delicacies of fine calculation, in this species of skill we have no rivals, any more than we have either in the drawing up of plans of political actions and solidarity. In this respect the Jesuits alone might have compared with us, but we have contrived to discredit them in the eyes of the unthinking mob as an overt organisation, while we ourselves all the while have kept our secret organisation in the shade. However, it is probably all the same to the world who is its sovereign lord, whether the head of Catholicism or our despot of the blood of Zion! But to us, the Chosen People, it is very far from being a matter of indifference.
For a time perhaps we might be successfully dealt with by a coalition of the GOYIM of all the world: but from this danger we are secured by the discord existing among them whose roots are so deeply seated that they can never now be plucked up. We have set one against another the personal and national reckonings of the goyim, religious and race hatreds, which we have fostered into a huge growth in the course of the past twenty centuries. This is the reason why there is not one State which would anywhere receive support if it were to raise its arm, for every one of them must bear in mind that any agreement against us would be unprofitable to itself. We are too strong—there is noevading our power. The nations cannot come to even an inconsiderable private agreement without our secretly having a hand in it.
Per Me reges regnant. "It is through Me that Kings reign." And it was said by the prophets that we were chosen by God Himself to rule over the whole earth. God has endowed us with genius that we may be equal to our task. Were genius in the opposite camp it would still struggle against us, but even so a newcomer is no match for the old-established settler: the struggle would be merciless between us, such a fight as the world has never yet seen. Aye, and the genius on their side would have arrived too late. All the wheels of the machinery of all States go by the force of the engine, which is in our hands, and that engine of the machinery of States is—Gold. The science of political economy invented by our learned elders has for long past been giving royal prestige to capital.[No you idiots,you are not chosen,because this is what The Lord says about the Prophets of Jerusalem....For both prophet and priest are profane; yea, in my house have I found their wickedness, saith the LORD.
Wherefore their way shall be unto them as slippery ways in the darkness: they shall be driven on, and fall therein: for I will bring evil upon them, even the year of their visitation, saith the LORD.
And I have seen folly in the prophets of Samaria; they prophesied in Baal, and caused my people Israel to err.
I have seen also in the prophets of Jerusalem an horrible thing: they commit adultery, and walk in lies: they strengthen also the hands of evildoers, that none doth return from his wickedness: they are all of them unto me as Sodom, and the inhabitants thereof as Gomorrah.
Therefore thus saith the LORD of hosts concerning the prophets; Behold, I will feed them with wormwood, and make them drink the water of gall: for from the prophets of Jerusalem is profaneness gone forth into all the land.
Thus saith the LORD of hosts, Hearken not unto the words of the prophets that prophesy unto you: they make you vain: they speak a vision of their own heart, and not out of the mouth of the LORD.
They say still unto them that despise me, The LORD hath said, Ye shall have peace; and they say unto every one that walketh after the imagination of his own heart, No evil shall come upon you.
For who hath stood in the counsel of the LORD, and hath perceived and heard his word? who hath marked his word, and heard it?
Behold, a whirlwind of the LORD is gone forth in fury, even a grievous whirlwind: it shall fall grievously upon the head of the wicked.
The anger of the LORD shall not return, until he have executed, and till he have performed the thoughts of his heart: in the latter days ye shall consider it perfectly.
I have not sent these prophets, yet they ran: I have not spoken to them, yet they prophesied. D.C]
Capital, if it is to co-operate untrammelled, must be free to establish a monopoly of industry and trade: this is already being put in execution by an unseen hand in all quarters of the world. This freedom will give political force to those engaged in industry, and that will help to oppress the people. Nowadays it is more important to disarm the peoples than to lead them into war: more important to use for our advantage the passions which have burst into flames than to quench their fire: more important to catch up and interpret the ideas of others to suit ourselves than to eradicate them. The principal object of our directorate consists in this: to debilitate the public mind by criticism; to lead it away from serious reflections calculated to arouse resistance; to distract the forces of the mind towards a sham fight of empty eloquence.
In all ages the peoples of the world, equally with individuals, have accepted words for deeds, for they are content with a show and rarely pause to note, in the public arena, whether promises are followed by performance. Therefore we shall establish show institutions which will give eloquent proof of their benefit to progress.
We shall assume to ourselves the liberal physiognomy of all parties, of all directions, and we shall give that physiognomy a voice in orators who will speak so much that they will exhaust the patience of their hearers and produce an abhorrence of oratory. In order to put public opinion into our hands we must bring it into a state of bewilderment by giving expression from all sides to so many contradictory opinions and for such length of time as will suffice to make the GOYIM lose their heads in the labyrinth and come to see that the best thing is to have no opinion of any kind in matters political, which it is not given to the public to understand, because they are understood only by him who guides the public. This is the first secret. The second secret requisite for the success of our government is comprised in the following: To multiply to such an extent national failings, habits, passions, conditions of civil life, that it will be impossible for anyone to know where he is in the resulting chaos, so that the people in consequence will fail to understand one another. This measure will also serve us in another way, namely, to sow discord in all parties, to dislocate all collective forces which are still unwilling to submit to us, and to discourage any kind of personal initiative which might in any degree hinder our affair. There is nothing more dangerous than personal initiative; if it has genius behind it, such initiative can do more than can be done by millions of people among whom we have sown discord. We must so direct the education of the goyim communities that whenever they come upon a matter requiring initiative they may drop their hands in despairing impotence. The strain which results from freedom of action saps the forces when it meets with the freedom of another. From this collision arise grave moral shocks, disenchantments, failures. By all these means toe shall so wear down the goyim that they will be compelled to offer us international power of a nature that by its position will enable us without any violence gradually to absorb all the State forces of the world and to form a Super-Government. In place of the rulers of to-day we shall set up a bogey which will be called the Super-Government Administration. Its hands will reach out in all directions like nippers and its organisation will be of such colossal dimensions that it cannot fail to subdue all the nations of the world.
PROTOCOL NO. 6
We shall soon begin to establish huge monopolies, reservoirs of
colossal riches, upon which even large fortunes of the goyim will
depend to such an extent that they will go to the bottom together with the credit of the States on the day after the political smash. . . . You gentlemen here present who are economists, just strike an estimate of the significance of this combination! . . .
In every possible way we must develop the significance of our Super-Government by representing it as the Protector and Benefactor of all those who voluntarily submit to us.
The aristocracy of the goyim as a political force, is dead—we need not take it into account; but as landed proprietors they can still be harmful to us from the fact that they are self-sufficing in the resources upon which they live. It is essential therefore for us at whatever cost to deprive them of their land. This object will be best attained by increasing the burdens upon landed property—in loading lands with debts. These measures will check land-holding and keep it in a state of humble and unconditional submission.
The aristocrats of the goyim, being hereditarily incapable of contenting themselves with little, will rapidly burn up and fizzle out.
At the same time we must intensively patronize trade and industry, but, first and foremost, speculation, the part played by which is to provide a counterpoise to industry: the absence of speculative industry will multiply capital in private hands and will serve to restore agriculture by freeing the land from indebtedness to the land banks. What we want is that industry should drain off from the land both labor and capital and by means of speculation transfer into our hands all the money of the world, and thereby throw all the goyim into the ranks of the proletariat. Then the goyim will bow down before us, if for no other reason but to get the right to exist.
To complete the ruin of the industry of the goyim we shall bring to the assistance of speculation the luxury which we have developed among the goyim, that greedy demand for luxury which is swallowing up everything. We shall raise the rate of wages which, however, will not bring any advantage to the workers, for, at the same time, we shall produce a rise in prices of the first necessaries of life, alleging that it arises from the decline of agriculture and cattle-breeding: we shall further undermine artfully and deeply sources of production, by accustoming the workers to anarchy and to drunkenness and side by side therewith taking all measure to extirpate from the face of the earth all the educated forces of the GOYIM.
In order that the true meaning of things may not strike the GOYIM before the proper time we shall mask it under an alleged ardent desire to serve the working classes and the great principles of political economy about which our economic theories are carrying on an energetic propaganda.
PROTOCOL NO. 7
The intensification of armaments, the increase of police forces—
are all essential for the completion of the aforementioned plans.
What we have to get at is that there should be in all the States of the
world, besides ourselves, only the masses of the proletariat, a few
millionaires devoted to our interests, police and soldiers. Throughout all Europe, and by means of relations with Europe, in other continents also, we must create ferments, discords and hostility. Therein we gain a double advantage. In the first place we keep in check all countries, for they well know that we have the power whenever we like to create disorders or to restore order. All these countries are accustomed to see in us an indispensable force of coercion. In the second place, by our intrigues we shall tangle up all the threads which we have stretched into the cabinets of all States by means of politics, by economic treaties, or loan obligations. In order to succeed in this we must use great cunning and penetration during negotiations and agreements, but, as regards what is called the "official language," we shall keep to the opposite tactics and assume the mask of honesty and compliance. In this way the peoples and governments of the goyim, whom we have taught to look only at the outside of whatever we present to their notice, will still continue to accept us as the benefactors and savior's of the human race. [all you delusional assholes can fuck off and die as far as I am concerned,savior's my ass,you clowns murdered your king,and all the denial and spin in the world,will not change what happened to My Brother when He sojourned on the Earth! DC]
We must be in a position to respond to every act of opposition by war with the neighbors of that country which dares to oppose us: but if these neighbors should also venture to stand collectively together against us, then we must offer resistance by a universal war.
The principal factor of success in the political is the secrecy of its undertakings: the word should not agree with the deeds of the diplomat. [In other words...doublespeak DC]
We must compel the governments of the goyim to take action in the direction favored by our widely conceived plan, already approaching the desired consummation, by what we shall represent as public opinion, secretly prompted by us through the means of that so-called "Great Power"—the Press, which, with a few exceptions that may be disregarded, is already entirely in our hands.
In a word, to sum up our system of keeping the governments of the goyim in Europe in check, we shall show our strength to one of them by terrorist attempts[That would be you France currently DC] and to all, if we allow the possibility of a general rising against us, we shall respond with the guns of America or China or Japan.
PROTOCOL NO. 8
We must arm ourselves with all the weapons which our opponents
might employ against us. We must search out in the very finest shades
of expression and the knotty points of the lexicon of law justification
for those cases where we shall have to pronounce judgments that might
appear abnormally audacious and unjust, for it is important that these
resolutions should be set forth in expressions that shall seem to be
the most exalted moral principles cast into legal form. Our directorate
must surround itself with all these forces of civilization among which
it will have to Work. It will surround itself with publicists, practical
jurists, administrators, diplomats and, finally, with persons prepared
by a special super-educational training in our special schools. These
persons will have cognizance of all the secrets of the social structure,
they will know all the languages that can be made up by political
alphabets and words; they will be made acquainted with the whole
underside of human nature, with all its sensitive chords on which
they will have to play. These chords are the cast of mind of the goyim,
their tendencies, shortcomings, vices and qualities, the particularities
of classes and conditions. Needless to say that the talented assistants
of authority, of whom I speak, will be taken not from among the
goyim, who are accustomed to perform their administrative work without
giving themselves the trouble to think what its aim is, and never
consider what it is needed for. The administrators of the goyim sign
papers without reading them, and they serve either for mercenary
reasons or from ambition. We shall surround our government with a whole world of economists. That is the reason why economic sciences form the principal subject of the teaching given to the Jews. Around us again will be a whole constellation of bankers, industrialists, capitalists and—the main thing—millionaires, because in substance everything will be settled by the question of figures.
For a time, until there will no longer be any risk in entrusting responsible posts in our States to our brother-Jews, we shall put them in the hands of persons whose past and reputation are such that between them and the people lies an abyss, persons who, in case of disobedience to our instructions, must face criminal charges or disappear—this in order to make them defend our interest to their last gasp.[In other words, the useful idiot's that serve their fascist Zionist Pig Masters must be blackmailable DC]
PROTOCOL NO. 9
In applying our principles let attention be paid to the character of
the people in whose country you live and act; a general, identical
application of them, until such time as the people shall have been
re-educated to our pattern, cannot have success. But by approaching
their application cautiously you will see that not a decade will pass before
the most stubborn character will change and we shall add a new
people to the ranks of those already subdued by us. The words of the liberal, which are in effect the words of our masonic watchword, namely, "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," will, when we come into our kingdom, be changed by us into words no longer of a watchword, but only an expression of idealism, namely, into: "The" right of liberty, the duty of equality, the ideal of brotherhood." That is how we shall put it,—and so we shall catch the bull by the horns. . . . De facto we have already wiped out every kind of rule except our own, although de jure there still remain a good many of them. Nowadays, if any States raise a protest against us it is only pro forma at our discretion and by our direction, for their antisemitism is indispensable to us for the management of our lesser brethren. I will not enter into further explanations, for this matter has formed the subject of repeated discussions among us.
For us there are no checks to limit the range of our activity. Our Super-Government subsists in extra-legal conditions which are described in the accepted terminology by the energetic and forcible word— Dictatorship. I am in a position to tell you with a clear conscience that at the proper time we, the law-givers, shall execute judgment and sentence, we shall slay and we shall spare, we, as head of all our troops, are mounted on the steed of the leader. We rule by force of will, because in our hands are the fragments of a once powerful party, now vanquished by us. And the weapons in our hands are limitless ambitions, burning greediness, merciless vengeance, hatreds and malice.
It is from us that the all-engulfing terror proceeds. We have in our service persons of all opinions, of all doctrines, restorating monarchists, demagogues, socialists, communists, and utopian dreamers of every kind. We have harnessed them all to the task: each one of them on his own account is boring away at the last remnants of authority, is striving to overthrow all established form of order. By these acts all States are in torture; they exhort to tranquility, are ready to sacrifice everything for peace: but we will not give them peace until they openly acknowledge our international Super-Government, and with submissiveness. [The abomination falsely called Israel is about to go up in flames along with their plans,because they make the mistake of thinking they are waging war against man,when in fact they are at war with the Almighty Creator of all things,their arrogance will be their downfall DC]
The people have raised a howl about the necessity of settling the question of Socialism by way of an international agreement. Division into fractional parties has given them into our hands, for, in order to carry on a contested struggle one must have money, and the money is all in our hands. [BULLSHIT,we can print 'money' out of thin air also,and lend it at NO INTEREST,to anyone who is in need.DC]
We might have reason to apprehend a union between the "clear sighted" force of the goy kings on their thrones and the "blind" force of the goy mobs, but we have taken all the needful measure against any such possibility: between the one and the other force we have erected a bulwark in the shape of a mutual terror between them. In this way the blind force of the people remains our support and we, and we only, shall provide them with a leader and, of course, direct them along the road that leads to our goal.
In order that the hand of the blind mob may not free itself from our guiding hand, we must every now and then enter into close communion with it, if not actually in person, at any rate through some of the most trusty of our brethren. When we are acknowledged as the only authority we shall discuss with the people personally on the market places, and we shall instruct them on questions of the political in such wise as may turn them in the direction that suits us.
Who is going to verify what is taught in the village schools? But what an envoy of the government or a king on his throne himself may say cannot but become immediately known to the whole State, for it will be spread abroad by the voice of the people.
In order not to annihilate the institution's of the goyim before it is time we have touched them with craft and delicacy, and have taken hold of the ends of the springs which move their mechanism. These springs lay in a strict but just sense of order; we have replaced them by the chaotic license of liberalism. We have got our hands into the administration of the law, into the conduct of elections, into the press, into liberty of the person, but principally into education and training as being the corner-stones of a free existence.
We have fooled, bemused and corrupted the youth of the GOYIM by rearing them in principles and theories which are known to us to be false although it is by. us that they have been inculcated.
Above the existing laws without substantially altering them, and by merely twisting them into contradictions of interpretations, we have erected something grandiose in the way of results. These results found expression first in the fact that the interpretations masked the laws: afterwards they entirely hid them from the eyes of the governments owing to the impossibility of making anything out of the tangled web of legislation.
This is the origin of the theory of course of arbitration.
You may say the goyim will rise upon us, arms in hand, if they guess what is going on before the time comes; but in the West we have against this a maneuver of such appalling terror that the very stoutest hearts quail—the undergrounds, metropolitan, those subterranean corridors which, before the time comes, will be driven under all the capitals and from whence those capitals will be blown into the air with all their organisations and archives.[In other words these fascist pigs through 'public art' have placed nukes in various cities in the ultimate act of nuclear blackmail. DC]
PROTOCOL NO. 10
Today I begin with a repetition of what I said before, and I beg
you to bear in mind that governments and peoples are content in the
political with outside appearances. And how, indeed, are the goyim to
perceive the underlying meaning of things when their representatives
give the best of their energies to enjoying themselves? For our
policy it is of the greatest importance to take cognizance of this detail;
it will be of assistance to us when we come to consider the division
of authority, freedom of speech, of the press, of religion (faith),
of the law of association, of equality before the law, of the inviolability
of property, of the dwelling, of taxation (the idea of concealed taxes), of the reflex force of the laws. All these questions are such as
ought not to be touched upon directly and openly before the people.
In cases where it is indispensable to touch upon them they must
not be categorically named, it must merely be declared without detailed
exposition that the principles of contemporary law are acknowledged
by us. The reason of keeping silence in this respect is that by not
naming a principle we leave ourselves freedom of action, to drop this
or that out of it without attracting notice; if they were all categorically
named they would all appear to have been already given. The mob cherishes a special affection and respect for the geniuses of political power and accepts all their deeds of violence with the admiring response: "rascally, well, yes, it is rascally, but it's clever! ... a trick, if you like, but how craftily played, how magnificently done, what impudent audacity!" . . . [more wishful bullshit from liars and murderers DC]
We count upon attracting all nations to the task of erecting the new fundamental structure, the project for which has been drawn up by us. This is why, before everything, it is indispensable for us to arm ourselves and to store up in ourselves that absolutely reckless audacity and irresistible might of the spirit which in the person of our active workers will break down all hindrances on our way.
When we have accomplished our coup d'etat we shall say then to the various peoples: "Everything has gone terribly badly, all have been worn out with sufferings. We are destroying the causes of your torment—nationalities, frontiers, differences of coinages. You are at liberty, of course, to pronounce sentence upon us, but can it possibly be a just one if it is confirmed by you before you make any trial of what we are offering you." . . . Then will the mob exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a unanimous triumph of hopes and expectations. Voting, which we have made the instrument which will set us on the throne of the world by teaching even the very smallest units of members of the human race to vote by means of meetings and agreements by groups, will then have served its purposes and will play its part then for the last time by a unanimity of desire to make close acquaintance with us before condemning us.
To secure this we must have everybody vote without distinction of classes and qualifications, in order to establish an absolute majority, which cannot be got from the educated propertied classes. In this way, by inculcating in all a sense of self-importance, we shall destroy among the goyim the importance of the family and its educational value and remove the possibility of individual minds splitting off, for the mob, handled by us, will not let them come to the front nor even give them a hearing; it is accustomed to listen to us only who pay it for obedience and attention. In this way we shall create a blind, mighty force which will never be in a position to move in any direction without the guidance of our agents set at its head by us as leaders of the mob. The people will submit to this regime because it will know that upon these leaders will depend its earnings, gratifications and the receipt of all kinds of benefits.
A scheme of government should come ready made from one brain, because it will never be clinched firmly if it is allowed to be split into fractional parts in the minds of many. It is allowable, therefore, for us to have cognizance of the scheme of action but not to discuss it lest we disturb its artfulness, the interdependence of its component parts, the practical force of the secret meaning of each clause. To discuss and make alterations in a labor of this kind by means of numerous voting's is to impress upon it the stamp of all ratiocination's and misunderstandings which have failed to penetrate the depth and nexus of its plotting's. We want our schemes to be forcible and suitably concocted. Therefore WE OUGHT NOT TO FLING THE WORK OF GENIUS OF OUR GUIDE to the fangs of the mob or even of a select company.
These schemes will not turn existing institutions upside down just yet. They will only affect changes in their economy and consequently in the whole combined movement of their progress, which will thus be directed along the paths laid down in our schemes.
Under various names there exists in all countries approximately one and the same thing. Representation, Ministry, Senate, State Council, Legislative and Executive Corps. I need not explain to you the mechanism of the relation of these institutions to one another, because you are aware of all that; only take note of the fact that each of the above-named institutions corresponds to some important function of the State, and I would beg you to remark that the word "important" I apply not to the institution but to the function, consequently it is not the institutions which are important but their functions. These institutions have divided up among themselves all the functions of government— administrative, legislative, executive, wherefore they have come to operate as do the organs in the human body. If we injure one part in the machinery of State, the State falls sick, like a human body, and will die.
When we introduced into the State organism the poison of Liberalism its whole political complexion underwent a change. -States have been seized with a mortal illness—blood-poisoning. All that remains is to await the end of their death agony.
Liberalism produced Constitutional States, which took the place of what was the only safeguard of the goyim, namely, Despotism; and a constitution, as you well know, is nothing else but a school of discords, misunderstandings, quarrels, disagreements, fruitless party agitations, party whims—in a word, a school of everything that serves to destroy the personality of State activity. The tribune of the "talkeries" has, no less effectively than the Press, condemned the rulers to inactivity and impotence, and thereby rendered them useless and superfluous, for which reason indeed they have been in many countries deposed. Then it was that the era of republics became possible of realization; and then it was that we replaced the ruler by a caricature of a government—by a president, taken from the mob, from the midst of our puppet creatures, our slaves. This was the foundation of the mine which we have laid under the goy people, I should rather say, under the goy peoples. [And you folks who think Trump is not in their pocket need to wake up,as HIS genealogy suggests that HE himself is Jewish,as Trump is not his given name. DC]
In the near future we shall establish the responsibility of presidents.
By that time we shall be in a position to disregard forms in carrying through matters for which our personal puppet will be responsible. What do we care if the ranks of those striving for power should be thinned, if there should arise a deadlock from the impossibility of finding presidents, a deadlock which will finally disorganize the country?
In order that our scheme may produce this result we shall arrange elections in favor of such presidents as have in their past some dark, undiscovered stain, some "Panama" or other—then they will be trustworthy agents for the accomplishment of our plans out of fear of revelations and from the natural desire of everyone who has attained power, namely, the retention of privileges, advantages and honor connected with the office of president. The chamber of deputies will provide cover for, will protect, will elect the president, but we shall take from it the right to propose new, or make changes in existing laws, for this right will be given by us to the responsible president, a puppet in our hands. Naturally, the authority of the president will then become a target for every possible form of attack, but we shall provide him with a means of self-defense in the right of an appeal to the people, for the decision of the people over the heads of their representatives, that is to say, an appeal to that same blind slave of ours— the majority of the mob. Independently of this we shall invest the president with the right of declaring a state of war. We shall justify this last right on the ground that the president as chief of the whole army of the country must have it at his disposal, in case of need for the defense of the new republican constitution, the right to defend which will belong to him as the responsible representative of this constitution.
It is easy to understand that in these conditions the key of the shrine will lie in our hands, and no one outside of ourselves will any longer direct the force of legislation.
Besides this we shall, with the introduction of the new republican constitution, take from the Chamber the right of interrelation on government measures, on the pretext of preserving political secrecy, and, further, we shall by the new constitution reduce the number of representatives to a minimum, thereby proportionately reducing political passions and the passion for politics. If, however, they should, which is hardly to be expected, burst into flame, even in this minimum, we shall nullify them by a stirring appeal and a reference to the majority of the whole people. . . . Upon the president will depend the appointment of presidents and vice-presidents of the Chamber and the Senate. Instead of constant sessions of Parliaments we shall reduce their sittings to a few months. Moreover, the president, as chief of the executive power, will have the right to summon and dissolve Parliament, and, in the latter case, to prolong the time for the appointment of a new parliamentary assembly. But in order that the consequences of all these acts which in substance are illegal, should not, prematurely for our plans, fall upon the responsibility established by us of the president, toe shall instigate ministers and other officials of the higher administration about the president to evade his dispositions by taking measures of their own, for doing which they will be made the scapegoats in his place. . . . This part we especially recommend to be given to be played by the Senate, the Council of State, or the Council of Ministers, but not to an individual official.
The president will, at our discretion, interpret the sense of such of the existing laws as admit of various interpretation; he will further annul them when we indicate to him the necessity to do so, besides this, he will have the right to propose temporary laws, and even new departures in the government constitutional working, the pretext both for the one and other being the requirements for the supreme welfare of the State. [Fuck your delusional idea of the State,you are nothing more then parasites DC]
By such measures we shall obtain the power of destroying little by little, step by step, all that at the outset when we enter on our rights, we are compelled to introduce into the constitutions of States to prepare for the transition to an imperceptible abolition of every kind of constitution, and then the time is come to turn every form of government into our despotism.
The recognition of our despot may also come before the destruction of the constitution; the moment for this recognition will come when the peoples, utterly wearied by the irregularities and incompetence— a matter which we shall arrange for—of their rulers, will clamor: "Away with them and give us one king over all the earth who will unite us and annihilate the causes of discords—frontiers, nationalities, religions, State debts—who will give us peace and quiet, which we cannot find under our rulers and representatives." [NOT going to happen,what IS going to happen is that the abomination falsely called Israel will be destroyed in one day,because of their fascist designs toward humanity,as the People's pleas,have reached His Throne,and you have been found guilty,Woe to you fascist pigs,your 70 year reign of terror is up. DC]
But you yourselves perfectly well know that to produce the possibility of the expression of such wishes by all the nations it is indispensable to trouble in all countries the people's relations with their governments so as to utterly exhaust humanity with dissension, hatred, struggle, envy and even by the use of torture, by starvation, BY THE INOCULATION OF DISEASES, by want, so that the GOYIM see no other issue than to take refuge in our complete sovereignty in money and in all else.
But if we give the nations of the world a breathing space the moment we long for is hardly likely ever to arrive. [I will say it again,they have made this fatal error in judgment thinking they are fighting nations,while openly mocking The Creator of all things DC]
PROTOCOL NO. 11
The State Council has been, as it were, the emphatic expression of
the authority of the ruler: it will be, as the "show" part of the
Legislative Corps, what may be called the editorial committee of the
laws and decrees of the ruler. This, then, is the program of the new constitution. We shall make Law, Right and Justice (1) in the guise of proposals to the Legislative Corps, (2) by decrees of the president under the guise of general regulations, of orders of the Senate and of resolutions of the State Council in the guise of ministerial orders, (3) and in case a suitable occasion should arise—in the form of a revolution in the State.
Having established approximately the modus agendi we will occupy ourselves with details of those combinations by which we have still to complete the revolution in the course of the machinery of State in the direction already indicated. By these combinations I mean the freedom of the Press, the right of association, freedom of conscience, the voting principle, and many another that must disappear for ever from the memory of man, or undergo a radical alteration the day after the promulgation of the new constitution. It is only at that moment that we shall be able at once to announce all our orders, for, afterwards, every noticeable alteration will be dangerous, for the following reasons: if this alteration be brought in with harsh severity and in a sense of severity and limitations, it may lead to a feeling of despair caused by fear of new alterations in the same direction; if, on the other hand, it be brought in in a sense of further indulgences it will be said that we have recognized our own wrongdoing and this will destroy the prestige of the infallibility of our authority, or else it will be said that we have become alarmed and are compelled to show a yielding disposition, for which we shall get no thanks because it will be supposed to be compulsory. . . . Both the one and the other are injurious to the prestige of the new constitution. What we want is that from the first moment of its promulgation, while the peoples of the world are still stunned by the accomplished fact of the revolution, still in a condition of terror and uncertainty, they should recognize once for all that we are so strong, so inexpugnable, so super abundantly filled with power, that in no case shall we take any account of them, and so far from paying any attention to their opinions or wishes, we are ready and able to crush with irresistible power all expression or manifestation thereof at every moment and in every place, that we have seized at once everything we wanted and shall in no case divide our power with them. . . . Then in fear and trembling they will close their eyes to everything, and be content to await what will be the end of it all.[Dream on you self righteous pigs DC]
The goyim are a flock of sheep, and we are their wolves. And you know what happens when the wolves get hold of the flock? . . .
There is another reason also why they will close their eyes: for we shall keep promising them to give back all the liberties we have taken away as soon as we have quelled the enemies of peace and tamed all parties. . . . [There shall be NO PEACE,and you can take that to your bank with it's worthless 'money' created out of thin air DC]
It is not worth while to say anything about how long a time they will be kept waiting for this return of their liberties. . . .
For what purpose then have we invented this whole policy and insinuated it into the minds of the goys without giving them any chance to examine its underlying meaning? For what, indeed, if not in order to obtain in a roundabout way what is for our scattered tribe unattainable by the direct road? It is this which has served as the basis for our organisation of SECRET MASONRY WHICH IS NOT KNOWN TO, AND AIMS WHICH ARE NOT EVEN SO MUCH AS SUSPECTED BY, THESE GOY CATTLE, ATTRACTED BY US INTO THE "SHOW ARMY OF MASONIC LODGES IN ORDER TO THROW DUST IN THE EYES OF THEIR FELLOWS.
God has granted to us, His Chosen People, the gift of the dispersion, and in this which appears in all eyes to be our weakness, has come forth all our strength, which has now brought us to the threshold of sovereignty over all the world. There now remains not much more for us to build up upon the foundation we have laid. [The world does not matter you supposed 'wise' idiots of Zion.The Earth like Heaven belongs to The Lord, your god is finished,he has been a liar and a murderer from the beginning,and you impostor's are his children DC]
PROTOCOL NO. 12
The word "freedom," which can be interpreted in various ways, is
defined by us as follows:— Freedom is the right to do that which the law allows. This interpretation of the word will at the proper time be of service to us, because all freedom will thus be in our hands, since the laws will abolish or create only that which is desirable for us according to the aforesaid program.
We shall deal with the press in the following way: What is the part played by the press to-day? It serves to excite and inflame those passions which are needed for our purpose or else it serves selfish ends of parties. It is often vapid, unjust, mendacious, and the majority of the public have not the slightest idea what ends the press really serves. We shall saddle and bridle it with a tight curb: we shall do the same also with all productions of the printing press, for where would be the sense of getting rid of the attacks of the press if we remain targets for pamphlets and boob? The produce of publicity, which nowadays is a source of heavy expense owing to the necessity of censoring it, will be turned by us into a very lucrative source of income to our State: we shall lay on it a special stamp tax and require deposits of caution-money before permitting the establishment of any organ of the press or of printing offices; these will then have to guarantee our government against any kind of attack on the pan of the press. For any attempt to attack us, if such still be possible, we shall inflict fines without mercy. Such measures as stamp tax, deposit of caution-money and fines secured by these deposits, will bring in a huge income to the government. It is true that party organs might not spare money for the sake of publicity, but these we shall shut up at the second attack upon us. No one shall with impunity lay a finger on the aureole of our government infallibility. The pretext for stopping any publication will be the alleged plea that it is agitating the public mind without occasion or justification. I beg you to note that among those making attacks upon us will also be organs established by us, but they will attack exclusively points that we have pre-determined to alter.
Not a single announcement will reach the public without our control. Even now this is already being attained by us inasmuch as all news items are received by a few agencies, in whose offices they are focused from all parts of the world. These agencies will then be already entirely ours and will give publicity only to what we dictate to them.
If already now we have contrived to possess ourselves of the minds of the goy communities to such an extent that they all come near looking upon the events of the world through the colored glasses of those spectacles we are setting astride their noses: if already now there is not a single State where there exist for us any barriers to admittance into what goy stupidity calls State secrets: what will our position be then, when we shall be acknowledged supreme lords of the world in the person of our king of all the world.... [That is going to be hard to do,considering you murdered your king,who by the way left that piece of shit called Jerusalem,desolate and forsaken DC]
Let us turn again to the future of the printing press. Every one desirous of being a publisher, librarian, or printer, will be obliged to provide himself with the diploma instituted therefor, which, in case of any fault, will be immediately impounded. With such measures the instrument of thought will become an educative means in the hands of our government, which will no longer allow the mass of the nation to be led astray in by-ways and fantasies about the blessings of progress. Is there any one of us who does not know that these phantom blessings are the direct roads to foolish imaginings which give birth to anarchical relations of men among themselves and towards authority, because progress, or rather the idea of progress, has introduced the conception of every kind of emancipation, but has failed to establish its limits. . . . All the so-called liberals are anarchists, if not in fact, at any rate in thought. Every one of them is hunting after phantoms of freedom, and falling exclusively into license, that is, into the anarchy of protest for the sake of protest. . .
We turn to the periodical press. We shall impose on it, as on all printed matter, stamp taxes per sheet and deposits of caution-money, and books of less than 30 sheets will pay double. We shall reckon them as pamphlets in order, on the one hand, to reduce the number of magazines, which are the worst form of printed poison, and, on the other, in order that this measure may force writers into such lengthy productions that they will be little read, especially as they will be costly. At the same time what we shall publish ourselves to influence mental development in the direction laid down for our profit will be cheap and will be read voraciously. The tax will bring vapid literary ambitions within bounds and the liability to penalties will make literary men dependent upon us. And if there should be any found who are desirous of writing against us, they will not find any person eager to print their productions. Before accepting any production for publication in print the publisher or printer will have to apply to the authorities for permission to do so. Thus we shall know beforehand of all tricks preparing against us and shall nullify them by getting ahead with explanations on the subject treated of.
Literature and journalism are two of the most important educative forces, and therefore our government will become proprietor of the majority of the journals. This will neutralize the injurious influence of the privately owned press and will put us in possession of a tremendous influence upon the public mind. ... If we give permits for ten journals, we shall ourselves found thirty, and so on in the same proportion. This, however, must in nowise be suspected by the public.
For which reason all journals published by us will be of the most opposite, in appearance, tendencies and opinions, thereby creating confidence in us and bringing over to us our quite unsuspicious opponents, who will thus fall into our trap and be rendered harmless.
In the front rank will stand organs of an official character. They will always stand guard over our interests, and therefore their influence will be comparatively insignificant.[The idiots DC]
In the second rank will be the semi-official organs, whose part it will be to attract the tepid and indifferent.[The useful idiots DC]
In the third rank we shall set up our own, to all appearance, opposition, which, in at least one of its organs, will present what looks like the very antipodes to us. Our real opponents at heart will accept this simulated opposition as their own and will show us their cards.[The fake ass Alex Jones type idiots,who use different means of deflecting people from looking at the fascist Zionist PIGS behind ALL the terror on the planet,stupid idiots admit as much in these VERY writings of Zionist propaganda DC]
All our newspapers will be of all possible complexions—aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchical—for so long, of course, as the constitution exists. . . . Like the Indian idol Vishnu they will have a hundred hands, and every one of them will have a finger on any one of the public opinions as required. When a pulse quickens these hands will lead opinion in the direction of our aims, for an excited patient loses all power of judgment and easily yields to suggestion. Those fools who will think they are repeating the opinion of a newspaper of their own camp will be repeating our opinion or any opinion that seems desirable for us. In the vain belief that they are following the organ of their party they will in fact follow the flag which we hang out for them.
In order to direct our newspaper militia in this sense we must take especial and minute care in organizing this matter. Under the title of central department of the press we shall institute literary gatherings at which our agents will without attracting attention issue the orders and watchwords of the day. By discussing and controverting, but always superficially, without touching the essence of the matter, our organs will carry on a sham fight fusillade with the official newspapers solely for the purpose of giving occasion for us to express ourselves more fully than could well be done from the outset in official announcements, whenever, of course, that is to our advantage.
These attacks upon us will also serve another purpose, namely, that our subjects will be convinced of the existence of full freedom of speech and so give our agents an occasion to affirm that all organs which oppose us are empty babblers, since they are incapable of finding any substantial objections to our orders.
Methods of organisation like these, imperceptible to the public eye but absolutely sure, are the best calculated to succeed in bringing the attention and the confidence of the public to the side of our government. Thanks to such methods we shall be in a position as from time to time may be required, to excite or to tranquilize the public mind on political questions, to persuade or to confuse, printing now truth, now lies, facts or their contradictions, according as they may be well or ill received, always very cautiously feeling our ground before stepping upon it. . . . We shall have a sure triumph over our opponents since they will not have at their disposition organs of the press in which they can give full and final expression to their views owing to the aforesaid methods of dealing with the press. We shall not even need to refute them except very superficially. [This is why the Internet scares these fascist pigs so badly DC]
Trial shots like these, fired by us in the third rank of our press, in case of need, will be energetically refuted by us in our semiofficial organs.
Even nowadays, already, to take only the French press, there are forms which reveal masonic solidarity in acting on the watchword: all organs of the press are bound together by professional secrecy; like the augurs of old, not one of their numbers will give away the secret of his sources of information unless it be resolved to make announcement to them. Not one journalist will venture to betray this secret, for not one of them is ever admitted to practice literature unless his whole past has some disgraceful sore or other. . . . These sores would be immediately revealed. So long as they remain the secret of a few the prestige of the journalist attracts the majority of the country—the mob follows after him with enthusiasm.
Our calculations are especially extended to the provinces. It is indispensable for us to inflame there those hopes and impulses with which we could at any moment fall upon the capital, and we shall represent to the capitals that these expressions are the independent hopes and impulses of the provinces. Naturally, the source of them will be always one and the same—ours. What we need is that, until such time as we are in the plenitude of power, the capitals should find themselves stifled by the provincial opinion of the nation, i.e., of a majority arranged by our agentur. What we need is that at the psychological moment the capitals should not be in a position to discuss an accomplished fact for the simple reason, if for no other, that it has been accepted by the public opinion of a majority in the provinces.
When we are in the period of the new regime transitional to that of our assumption of full sovereignty we must not admit any revelations by the press of any form of public dishonesty; it is necessary that the new regime should be thought to have so perfectly contented everybody that even criminality has disappeared. , . . Cases of the manifestation of criminality should remain known only to their victims and to chance witnesses—no more.
NEXT the remaining 12 protocol's of Zionist bullshit 302s
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