I Challenge anyone to read all 24 of these twisted protocols,and tell me with a straight face,that the NWO that they are attempting to hoist upon us,is not of Zionist origin.You might want to read #20 as many times as it takes to find the solution to our dilemma here in America,as it is there,which by the way I have been telling people now for at least 5 years now,just remember The Lord hates cowards.
Milton William Cooper
Chapter 15
PROTOCOLS OF THE
WISE MEN OF ZION
PROTOCOL
NO. 13
The need for daily bread forces the goyim to keep silence and be
our humble servants. Agents taken on to our press from among the
goyim will at our order discuss anything which it is inconvenient for
us to issue directly in official documents, and we meanwhile, quietly
amid the din of the discussion so raised, shall simply take and carry
through such measures as we wish and then offer them to the public
as an accomplished fact. No one will dare to demand the abrogation of
a matter once settled, all the more so as it will be represented as an
improvement. . . . And immediately the press will distract the current
of thought towards new questions (have we not trained people always
to be seeking something new?). Into the discussions of these new
questions will throw themselves those of the brainless dispensers of
fortunes who are not able even now to understand that they have
not the remotest conception about the matters which they undertake
to discuss. Questions of the political are unattainable for any save
those who have guided it already for many ages, the creators.
From all this you will see that in securing the opinion of the
mob we are only facilitating the working of our machinery, and
you may remark that it is not for actions but for words issued by us
on this or that question that we seem to seek approval. We are constantly
making public declaration that we are guided in all our undertakings
by the hope, joined to the conviction, that we are serving the
commonweal.
In order to distract people who may be too troublesome from
discussions of questions of the political we are now putting forward what we allege to be new questions of the political, namely, questions
of industry. In this sphere let them discuss themselves silly! The
masses are agreed to remain inactive, to take a rest from what they
suppose to be political activity (which we trained them to in order
to use them as a means of combating the goy governments) only on
condition of being found new employments, in which we are prescribing
them something that looks like the same political object. In
order that the masses themselves may not guess what they are about
we further distract them with amusements, games, pastimes, passions,
people's palaces. . . . Soon we shall begin through the press to propose
competitions in art, in sport of all kinds: these interests will finally
distract their minds from questions in which we should find ourselves
compelled to oppose them. Growing more and more dis-accustomed to
reflect and form any opinions of their own, people will begin to
talk in the same tone as we, because we alone shall be offering them
new directions for thought ... of course through such persons as
will not be suspected of solidarity with us.
The part played by the liberals, utopian dreamers, will be finally
played out when our government is acknowledged. Till such time
they will continue to do us good service. Therefore we shall continue
to direct their minds to all sorts of vain conceptions of fantastic
theories, new and apparently progressive: for have we not with complete
success turned the brainless heads of the goyim with progress,
till there is not among the goyim one mind able to perceive that
under this word lies a departure from truth in all cases where it is
not a question of material inventions, for truth is one, and in it there
is no place for progress. Progress, like a fallacious idea, serves to
obscure truth so that none may know it except us, the Chosen of
God, its guardians. [actually the children of Lucifer DC]
When we come into our kingdom our orators will expound great
problems which have turned humanity upside down in order to bring
it at the end under our beneficent rule.
Who will ever suspect then that ALL THESE PEOPLES WERE
STAGE-MANAGED BY US ACCORDING TO A POLITICAL
PLAN WHICH NO ONE HAS SO MUCH AS GUESSED AT
IN THE COURSE OF MANY CENTURIES? . . .
PROTOCOL NO.
14
When we come into our kingdom it will be undesirable for us that
there should exist any other religion than ours of the One God with
whom our destiny is bound up by our position as the Chosen People
and through whom our same destiny is united with the destinies of
the world. We must therefore sweep away all other forms of belief.
If this gives birth to the atheists whom we see to-day, it will not,
being only a transitional stage, interfere with our views, but will serve
as a warning for those generations which will hearken to our preaching
of the religion of Moses, that, by its stable and thoroughly elaborated
system, has brought all the peoples of the world into subjection to us.
Therein we shall emphasise its mystical right, on which, as we shall
say, all its educative power is based. . . . Then at every possible
opportunity we shall publish articles in which we shall make comparisons
between our beneficent rule and those of past ages. The blessings
of tranquillity, though it be a tranquillity forcibly brought about
by centuries of agitation, will throw into higher relief the benefits
to which we shall point. The errors of the goyim governments will be
depicted by us in the most vivid hues. We shall implant such an
abhorrence of them that the peoples will prefer tranquillity in a state
of serfdom to those rights of vaunted freedom which have tortured
humanity and exhausted the very sources of human existence, sources
which have been exploited by a mob of rascally adventurers who
know not what they do. . . . Useless changes of forms of government
to which toe instigated the GOYIM token toe were undermining their
state structures, will have so wearied the peoples by that time that
they will prefer to suffer anything under us rather than run the
risk of enduring again all the agitations and miseries they have gone
through.
At the same time we shall not omit to emphasize the historical
mistakes of the goy governments which have tormented humanity for
so many centuries by their lack of understanding of everything that
constitutes the true good of humanity in their chase after fantastic
schemes of social blessings, and have never noticed that these schemes
kept on producing a worse and never a better state of the universal
relations which are the basis of human life. ...
The whole force of our principles and methods will lie in the
fact that we shall present them and expound them as a splendid
contrast to the dead and decomposed old order of things in social life.
Our philosophers will discuss all the shortcomings of the various
beliefs of the goyim, BUT NO ONE WILL EVER BRING UNDER
DISCUSSION OUR FAITH FROM ITS TRUE POINT OF
VIEW SINCE THIS WILL BE FULLY LEARNED BY NONE
SAVE OURS, WHO WILL NEVER DARE TO BETRAY ITS
SECRETS.
In countries known as progressive and enlightened we have created
a senseless, filthy, abominable literature. For some time after our
entrance to power we shall continue to encourage its existence in order
to provide a telling relief by contrast to the speeches, party program,
which will be distributed from exalted quarters of ours. . . .
Our wise men, trained to become leaders of the goyim, will compose
speeches, projects, memoirs, articles, which will be used by us to
influence the minds of the goyim, directing them towards such understanding
and forms of knowledge as have been determined by us.
PROTOCOL NO.
15
When we at last definitely come into our kingdom by the aid of
coup d'etat prepared everywhere for one and the same day, after
the worthlessness of all existing forms of government has been definitely
acknowledged (and not a little time will pass before that comes
about, perhaps even a whole century) we shall make it our task to
see that against us such things as plots shall no longer exist. With this
purpose we shall slay without mercy all who take arms (in hand) to
oppose our coming into our kingdom. Every kind of new institution
of anything like a secret society will also be punished with death;
those of them which are now in existence, are known to us, serve us
and have served us, we shall disband and send into exile to continents
far removed from Europe. In this toay toe shall proceed with those
goy masons who know too much; such of these as we may for some
reason spare will be kept in constant fear of exile. We shall promulgate
a law making all former members of secret societies liable to exile
from Europe as the center of our rule.
Resolutions of our government will be final, without appeal.
In the goy societies, in which we have planted and deeply rooted
discord and protestantism, the only possible way of restoring order is
to employ merciless measures that prove the direct force of authority:
no regard must be paid to the victims who fall, they suffer for the
well-being of the future. The attainment of that well-being, even at
the expense of sacrifices, is the duty of any kind of government that
acknowledges as justification for its existence not only its privileges
but its obligations. The principal guarantee of stability of rule is to
confirm the aureole of power, and this aureole is attained only by
such a majestic inflexibility of might as shall carry on its face the
emblems of inviolability from mystical causes—from the choice of
God. Such was, until recent times, the Russian autocracy, the one and
only serious foe we had, in the world, without counting the Papacy.
Bear in mind the example when Italy, drenched with blood, never
touched a hair of the head of Sulla* who had poured forth that blood:
Sulla enjoyed an apotheosis for his might in the eyes of the people,
though they had been torn in pieces by him, but his intrepid return
to Italy ringed him round with inviolability. The people do not lay
a finger on him who hypnotizes them by his daring and strength of
mind.
*Some versions of the "Protocols" followed Joly's "Dialogues" so closely that Joly's mistaken spelling of Sulla's name as "Sylla" was also copied. In the translation of the "Protocols" here used, however, the mistake was rectified.—H. B.
Meantime, however, until we come into our kingdom, we shall act
in the contrary way: we shall create and multiply free masonic lodges
in all the countries of the world, absorb into them all who may become
or who are prominent in public activity, for in these lodges
we shall find our principal intelligence office and means of influence.
All these lodges we shall bring under one central administration,
known to us alone and to all others absolutely unknown, which will
be composed of our learned elders. The lodges will have their representatives
who will serve to screen the above-mentioned administration
of masonry and from whom will issue the watchword and program.
In these lodges we shall tie together the knot which binds together
all revolutionary and liberal elements. Their composition will be
made up of all strata of society. The most secret political plots will
be known to us and will fall under our guiding hands on the very day
of their conception. Among the members of these lodges will be almost all the agents of international and national police since their
service is for us irreplaceable in the respect that the police is in a
position not only to use its own particular measures with the insubordinate,
but also to screen our activities and provide pretexts for
discontents, etcetera.
The class of people who most willingly enter into secret societies
are those who live by their wits, careerists, and in general people,
mostly light-minded, with whom we shall have no difficulty in dealing
and in using to wind up the mechanism of the machine devised by
us. If this world grows agitated the meaning of that will be that we
have had to stir it up in order to break up its too great solidarity.
But if there should, arise in its midst a plot, then at the head of that
plot will be no other than one of our most trusted servants. It is
natural that we and no other should lead masonic activities, for we
know whither we are leading, we know the final goal of every form
of activity whereas the goyim have knowledge of nothing, not even
of the immediate effect of action; they put before themselves, usually,
the momentary reckoning of the satisfaction of their self-opinion
in the accomplishment of their thought without even remarking that
the very conception never belonged to their initiative but to our instigation
of their thought....
The goyim enter the lodges out of curiosity or in the hope by
their means to get a nibble at the public pie, and some of them in
order to obtain a hearing before the public for their impracticable
and groundless fantasies: they thirst for the emotion of success and
applause, of which we are remarkably generous. And the reason why
we give them this success is to make use of the high conceit of themselves
to which it gives birth, for that insensibly disposes them to
assimilate our suggestions without being on their guard against them
in the fullness of their confidence that it is their own infallibility
which is giving utterance to their own thoughts and that it is impossible
for them to borrow those of others. . . . You cannot imagine
to what extent the wisest of the goyim can be brought to a state of
unconscious naivete in the presence of this condition of high conceit
of themselves, and at the same time how easy it is to take the heart
out of them by the slightest ill-success, though it be nothing more
than the stoppage of the applause they had, and to reduce them to a
slavish submission for the sake of winning a renewal of success. . . .
By so much as ours disregard success if only they can carry through
their plans, by so much the goyim are willing to sacrifice any plans
only to have success. This psychology of theirs materially facilitates
for us the task of setting them in the required direction. These tigers
in appearance have the souls of sheep and the wind blows freely
through their heads. We have set them on the hobby-horse of an
idea about the absorption of individuality by the symbolic unit of
collectivism. . . . They have never yet and they never will have the
sense to reflect that this hobby-horse is a manifest violation of the
most important law of nature, which has established from the very
creation of the world one unit unlike another and precisely for the
purpose of instituting individuality. . . .
If we have been able to bring them to such a pitch of stupid
blindness is it not a proof, and an amazingly clear proof, of the
degree to which the mind of the goyim is undeveloped in comparison
with our mind? This it is, mainly, which guarantees our success. [POND SCUM attracts POND SCUM, and the only blind among the Gentiles are the greedy,and those under control of religion by fear DC]
And how far-seeing were our learned elders in ancient times when
they said that to attain a serious end it behooves not to stop at any
means or to count the victims sacrificed for the sake of that end. . . .
We have not counted the victims of the seed of the goy cattle, though
we have sacrificed many of our own, but for that we have now already
given them such a position on the earth as they could not even have
dreamed of. The comparatively small numbers of the victims from the
number of ours have preserved our nationality from destruction.
Death is the inevitable end for all. It is better to bring that end
nearer to those who hinder our affairs than to ourselves, to the
founders of this affair. We execute masons in such wise that none save
the brotherhood can ever have a suspicion of it, not even the victims
themselves of our death sentence, they all die when required as if
from a normal kind of illness. . . . Knowing this, even the brotherhood
in its turn dare not protest. By such methods we have plucked out
of the midst of masonry the very root of protest against our disposition.
While preaching liberalism to the goyim we at the same time
keep our own people and our agents in a state of unquestioning
submission.
Under our influence the execution of the laws of the goyim has
been reduced to a minimum. The prestige of the law has been exploded
by the liberal interpretations introduced into this sphere. In the most important and fundamental affairs and questions judges
decide as we dictate to them, see matters in the light wherewith we
enfold them for the administration of the goyim, of course, through
persons who are our tools though we do not appear to have anything
in common with them—by newspaper opinion or by other means. . . .
Even senators and the higher administration accept our counsels. The
purely brute mind of the goyim is incapable of use for analysis and
observation, and still more for the foreseeing whither a certain manner
of setting a question may tend.
In this difference in capacity for thought between the goyim and
ourselves may be clearly discerned the seal of our position on the
Chosen People and of our higher quality of humanness, in contradistinction
to the brute mind of the goyim. Their eyes are open, but
see nothing before them and do not invent (unless, perhaps, material
things). From this it is plain that nature herself has destined us to
guide and rule the world.
When comes the time of our overt rule, the time to manifest its
blessings, we shall remake all legislatures, all our laws will be brief,
plain, stable, without any kind of interpretations, so that anyone will
be in a position to know them perfectly. The main feature which
will run right through them is submission to orders, and this principle
will be carried to a grandiose height. Every abuse will then disappear
in consequence of the responsibility of all down to the lowest unit
before the higher authority of the representative of power. Abuses of
power subordinate to this last instance will be so mercilessly punished
that none will be found anxious to try experiments with their own
powers. We shall follow up jealously every action of the administration
on which depends the smooth running of the machinery of
the State, for slackness in this produces slackness everywhere; not a
single case of illegality or abuse of power will be left without exemplary
punishment.
Concealment of guilt, connivance between those in the service of
the administration—all this kind of evil will disappear after the very
first examples of severe punishment. The aureole of our power demands
suitable, that is, cruel, punishments for the slightest infringement,
for the sake of gain, of its supreme prestige. The sufferer,
though his punishment may exceed his fault, will count as a soldier
falling on the administrative field of battle in the interest of authority, principle and law, which do not permit that any of those
who hold the reins of the public coach should turn aside from the
public highway to their own private paths. For example: our judges
will know that whenever they feel disposed to flume themselves on
foolish clemency they are violating the law of justice which is instituted
for the exemplary edification of men by penalties for lapses and
not for display of the spiritual qualities of the judge. . . . Such qualities
it is proper to show in private life, but not in a public square
which is the educationary basis of human life.
Our legal staff will serve not beyond the age of 55, firstly because
old men more obstinately hold to prejudiced opinions, and are less
capable of submitting to new directions, and second because this will
give us the possibility by this measure of securing elasticity in the
changing of staff, which will thus the more easily bend under our
pressure: he who wishes to keep his place will have to give blind
obedience to deserve it. In general, our judges will be elected by us
only from among those who thoroughly understand that the part they
have to play is to punish and apply laws and not to dream about the
manifestations of liberalism at the expense of the educationary scheme
of the State, as the goyim in these days imagine it to be. . . . This
method of shuffling the staff will serve also to explode any collective
solidarity of those in the same service and will bind all to the interests
of the government upon which their fate will depend. The young
generation of judges will be trained in certain views regarding the
inadmissibility of any abuses that might disturb the established order
of our subjects among themselves.
In these days the judges of the goyim create indulgences to every
kind of crime, not having a just understanding of their office, because
the rulers of the present age in appointing judges to office take no
care to inculcate in them a sense of duty and consciousness of the
matter which is demanded of them. As a brute beast lets out its young
in search of prey, so do the goyim give their subjects places of profit
without thinking to make clear to them for what purpose such place
was created. This is the reason why their governments are being ruined
by their own forces through the acts of their own administration.
Let us borrow from the example of the results of these actions yet
another lesson for our government.
We shall root out liberalism from all the important strategic posts of our government on which depends the training of subordinates
for one State structure. Such posts will fall exclusively to those who
have been trained by us for administrative rule. To the possible
objection that the retirement of old servants will cost the Treasury
heavily, I reply, firstly, they will be provided with some private
service in place of what they lose, and, secondly, I have to remark
that all the money in the world will be concentrated in our hands,
consequently it is not our government that has to fear expense.
Our absolutism will in all things be logically consecutive and
therefore in each one of its decrees our supreme will will be respected
and unquestionably fulfilled: it will ignore all murmurs, all discontents
of every kind and will destroy to the root every kind of manifestation
of them in act by punishment of an exemplary character.
We shall abolish the right of cessation, which will be transferred
exclusively to our disposal—to the cognizance of him who rules, for
we must not allow the conception among the people of a thought
that there could be such a thing as a decision that is not right of judges
set up by us. If, however, anything like this should occur, we shall
ourselves cessate the decision, but inflict therewith such exemplary
punishment on the judge for lack of understanding of his duty and
the purpose of his appointment as will prevent a repetition of such
cases. ... I repeat that it must be borne in mind that we shall know
every step of our administration which only needs to be closely watched
for the people to be content with us, for it has the right to demand
from a good government a good official.
Our government will have the appearance of a patriarchal paternal
guardianship on the part of our ruler. Our own nation and our subjects
will discern in his person a father caring for their every need,
their every act, their every inter-relation as subjects one with another,
as well as their relations to the ruler. They will then be so thoroughly
imbued with the thought that it is impossible for them to dispense
with this wardship and guidance, if they wish to live in peace and
quiet, that they will acknowledge the autocracy of our ruler with a
devotion bordering on APOTHEOSIS, especially when they are convinced
that those whom we set up do not put their own in place of
his authority, but only blindly execute his dictates. They will be
rejoiced that we have regulated everything in their lives as is done
by wise parents who desire to train their children in the cause of duty and submission. For the peoples of the world in regard to the
secrets of our polity are ever through the ages only children under
age, precisely as are also their governments.
As you see, I found our despotism on right and duty: the right to compel the execution of duty is the direct obligation of a government which is a father for its subjects. It has the right of the strong that it may use it for the benefit of directing humanity towards that order which is defined by nature, namely, submission. Everything in the world is in a state of submission, if not to man, then to circumstances or its own inner character, in all cases, to what is stronger. And so shall we be this something stronger for the sake of good.
We are obliged without hesitation to sacrifice individuals, who commit a breach of established order, for in the exemplary punishment of evil lies a great educational problem.
When the King of Israel sets upon his sacred head the crown offered him by Europe he will become patriarch of the world. The indispensable victims offered by him in consequence of their suitability will never reach the number of victims offered in the course of centuries by the mania of magnificence, the emulation between the goy governments.
Our King will be in constant communion with the peoples, making to them from the tribune speeches which fame will in that same hour distribute over all the world.
We shall exclude from the course of instruction State Law as also all that concerns the political question. These subjects will be taught to a few dozens of persons chosen for their pre-eminent capacities from among the number of the initiated. The universities must no longer send out from their halls milksops concocting plans for a constitution, like a comedy or a tragedy, busying themselves with questions of policy in which even their own fathers never had any power of thought.
The ill-guided acquaintance of a large number of persons with questions of polity creates Utopian dreamers and bad subjects, as you can see for yourselves from the example of the universal education in this direction of the goyim. We must introduce into their education all those principles which have so brilliantly broken up their order. But when we are in power we shall remove every kind of disturbing subject from the course of education and shall make out of the youth obedient children of authority, loving him who rules as the support and hope of peace and quiet.
Classicism, as also any form of study of ancient history, in which there are more bad than good examples, we shall replace with the study of the program of the future. We shall erase from the memory of men all facts of previous centuries which are undesirable to us, and leave only those which depict all the errors of the government of the goyim. The study of practical life, of the obligations of order, of the relations of people one to another, of avoiding bad and selfish examples, which spread the infection of evil, and similar questions of an educative nature, will stand in the forefront of the teaching program, which will be drawn up on a separate plan for each calling or state of life, in no wise generalizing the teaching. This treatment of the question has special importance.
Each state of life must be trained within strict limits corresponding to its destination and work in life. The occasional genius has always managed and always will manage to slip through into other states of life, but it is the most perfect folly for the sake of this rare occasional genius to let through into ranks foreign to them the untalented who thus rob of their places those who belong to those ranks by birth or employment. You know yourselves in what all this has ended for the GOYIM who allowed this crying absurdity.
In order that he who rules may be seated firmly in the hearts and minds of his subjects it is necessary for the time of his activity to instruct the whole nation in the schools and on the market places about his meaning and his acts and all his beneficent initiatives.
We shall abolish every kind of freedom of instruction. Learners of all ages will have the right to assemble together with their parents in the educational establishments as it were in a club: daring these assemblies, on holidays, teachers will read what will pass as free lectures on questions of human relations, of the laws of examples, of the limitations which are born of unconscious relations, and, finally, of the philosophy of new theories not yet declared to the world. These theories will be raised by us to the stage of a dogma of faith as a transitional stage towards our faith. On the completion of this exposition of our program of action in the present and the future I will read you the principles of these theories.
In a word, knowing by the experience of many centuries that people live and are guided by ideas, that these ideas are imbibed by people only by the aid of education provided with equal success for all ages of growth, but of course by varying methods, we shall swallow up and confiscate to our own use the last scintilla of independence of thought, which we have for long past been directing towards subjects and ideas useful for us. The system of bridling thought is already at work in the so-called system of teaching by object lessons, the purpose of which is to turn the goyim into unthinking submissive brutes waiting for things to be presented before their eyes in order to form an idea of them. ... In France, one of our best agents, Bourgeois, has already made public a new program of teaching by object lessons.
As you see, I found our despotism on right and duty: the right to compel the execution of duty is the direct obligation of a government which is a father for its subjects. It has the right of the strong that it may use it for the benefit of directing humanity towards that order which is defined by nature, namely, submission. Everything in the world is in a state of submission, if not to man, then to circumstances or its own inner character, in all cases, to what is stronger. And so shall we be this something stronger for the sake of good.
We are obliged without hesitation to sacrifice individuals, who commit a breach of established order, for in the exemplary punishment of evil lies a great educational problem.
When the King of Israel sets upon his sacred head the crown offered him by Europe he will become patriarch of the world. The indispensable victims offered by him in consequence of their suitability will never reach the number of victims offered in the course of centuries by the mania of magnificence, the emulation between the goy governments.
Our King will be in constant communion with the peoples, making to them from the tribune speeches which fame will in that same hour distribute over all the world.
PROTOCOL NO.
16
In order to effect the destruction of all collective forces except
ours we shall emasculate the first stage of collectivism—the universities,
by re-educating them in a new direction. Their officials and professors
will be prepared for their business by detailed secret programs of
action from which they will not with immunity diverge, not by one
iota. They will be appointed with especial precaution, and will be so
placed as to be wholly dependent upon the Government. We shall exclude from the course of instruction State Law as also all that concerns the political question. These subjects will be taught to a few dozens of persons chosen for their pre-eminent capacities from among the number of the initiated. The universities must no longer send out from their halls milksops concocting plans for a constitution, like a comedy or a tragedy, busying themselves with questions of policy in which even their own fathers never had any power of thought.
The ill-guided acquaintance of a large number of persons with questions of polity creates Utopian dreamers and bad subjects, as you can see for yourselves from the example of the universal education in this direction of the goyim. We must introduce into their education all those principles which have so brilliantly broken up their order. But when we are in power we shall remove every kind of disturbing subject from the course of education and shall make out of the youth obedient children of authority, loving him who rules as the support and hope of peace and quiet.
Classicism, as also any form of study of ancient history, in which there are more bad than good examples, we shall replace with the study of the program of the future. We shall erase from the memory of men all facts of previous centuries which are undesirable to us, and leave only those which depict all the errors of the government of the goyim. The study of practical life, of the obligations of order, of the relations of people one to another, of avoiding bad and selfish examples, which spread the infection of evil, and similar questions of an educative nature, will stand in the forefront of the teaching program, which will be drawn up on a separate plan for each calling or state of life, in no wise generalizing the teaching. This treatment of the question has special importance.
Each state of life must be trained within strict limits corresponding to its destination and work in life. The occasional genius has always managed and always will manage to slip through into other states of life, but it is the most perfect folly for the sake of this rare occasional genius to let through into ranks foreign to them the untalented who thus rob of their places those who belong to those ranks by birth or employment. You know yourselves in what all this has ended for the GOYIM who allowed this crying absurdity.
In order that he who rules may be seated firmly in the hearts and minds of his subjects it is necessary for the time of his activity to instruct the whole nation in the schools and on the market places about his meaning and his acts and all his beneficent initiatives.
We shall abolish every kind of freedom of instruction. Learners of all ages will have the right to assemble together with their parents in the educational establishments as it were in a club: daring these assemblies, on holidays, teachers will read what will pass as free lectures on questions of human relations, of the laws of examples, of the limitations which are born of unconscious relations, and, finally, of the philosophy of new theories not yet declared to the world. These theories will be raised by us to the stage of a dogma of faith as a transitional stage towards our faith. On the completion of this exposition of our program of action in the present and the future I will read you the principles of these theories.
In a word, knowing by the experience of many centuries that people live and are guided by ideas, that these ideas are imbibed by people only by the aid of education provided with equal success for all ages of growth, but of course by varying methods, we shall swallow up and confiscate to our own use the last scintilla of independence of thought, which we have for long past been directing towards subjects and ideas useful for us. The system of bridling thought is already at work in the so-called system of teaching by object lessons, the purpose of which is to turn the goyim into unthinking submissive brutes waiting for things to be presented before their eyes in order to form an idea of them. ... In France, one of our best agents, Bourgeois, has already made public a new program of teaching by object lessons.
PROTOCOL NO.
17
The practice of advocacy produces men cold, cruel, persistent, unprincipled,
who in all cases take up an impersonal, purely legal standpoint.
They have the inveterate habit to refer everything to its value
for the defense and not to the public welfare of its results. They
do not usually decline to undertake any defense whatever, they strive
for an acquittal at all costs, cavilling over every petty crux of jurisprudence
and thereby they demoralize justice. For this reason we
shall set this profession into narrow frames which will keep it inside
this sphere of executive public service. Advocates, equally with judges,
will be deprived of the right of communication with litigants; they
will receive business only from the court and will study it by notes
of report and documents, defending their clients after they have
been interrogated in court on facts that have appeared. They will
receive an honorarium without regard to the quality of the defense. This will render them mere reporters on law-business in the interests
of justice and as counterpoise to the proctor who will be the reporter in
the interests of prosecution; this will shorten business before the
courts. In this way will be established a practice of honest unprejudiced defense conducted not from personal interest but by conviction. This
will also, by the way, remove the present practice of corrupt bargain
between advocates to agree only to let that side win which pays
most. . . . We have long past taken care to discredit the priesthood of the goyim, and thereby to ruin their mission on earth which in these days might still be a great hindrance to us. Day by day its influence on the peoples of the world is falling lower. Freedom of conscience has been declared everywhere, so that now only years divide us from the moment of the complete wrecking of that Christian religion: as to other religions we shall have still less difficulty in dealing with them, but it would be premature to speak of this now. We shall set clericalism and clerical's into such narrow frames as to make their influence move in retrogressive proportion to its former progress.
When the time comes finally to destroy the papal court the finger of an invisible hand will point the nations towards this court. When, however, the nations fling themselves upon it, we shall come forward in the guise of its defenders as if to save excessive bloodshed. By this diversion we shall penetrate to its very bowels and be sure we shall never come out again until we have gnawed through the entire strength of this place.
The King of the Jews will be the real Pope of the Universe, the patriarch of an international Church.
But, in the meantime, while we are re-educating youth in new traditional religions and afterwards in ours, we shall not overtly lay a finger on existing churches, but we shall fight against them by criticism calculated to produce schism. . . .
In general, then, our contemporary press will continue to convict State affairs, religions, in-capacities of the goyim, always using the most unprincipled expressions in order by every means to lower their prestige in the manner which can only be practiced by the genius of our gifted tribe. . . .
Our kingdom will be an apologia of the divinity Vishnu, in whom is found its personification—in our hundred hands will be, one in each, the springs of the machinery of social life. We shall see everything without the aid of official police which, in that scope of its rights which we elaborated for the use of the goyim, hinders governments from seeing. In our program one-third of our subjects will keep the rest under observation from a sense of duty, on the principle of volunteer service to the State. It will then be no disgrace to be a spy and informer, but a merit: unfounded denunciations, however, will be cruelly punished that there may be no development of abuses of this right.
Our agents will be taken from the higher as well as the lower ranks of society, from among the administrative class who spend their time in amusements, editors, printers and publishers, booksellers, clerks, and salesmen, workmen, coachmen, lackeys, etc. This body, having no rights and not being empowered to take any action on their own account, and consequently a police without any power, will only witness and report: verification of their reports and arrests will depend upon a responsible group of controllers of police affairs, while the actual act of arrest will be performed by the gendarme and the municipal police. Any person not denouncing anything seen or heard concerning questions of polity will also be charged with and made responsible for concealment, if it be proved that he is guilty of this crime.
Just as nowadays our brethren are obliged at their own risk to denounce to the kabal apostates of their own family or members who have been noticed doing anything in opposition to the kabal, so in our kingdom over all the world it will be obligatory for all our subjects to observe the duty of service to the State in this direction.
Such an organisation will extirpate abuses of authority, of force, of bribery, everything in fact which we by our counsels, by our theories of the superhuman rights of man, have introduced into the customs of the goyim. . . . But how else were we to procure that increase of causes predisposing to disorders in the midst of their administration? . . . Among the number of those methods one of the most important is—agents for the restoration of order, so placed as to have the opportunity in their disintegrating activity of developing and displaying their evil inclinations—obstinate self-conceit, irresponsible exercise of authority, and, first and foremost, venality.
PROTOCOL NO.
18
When it becomes necessary for us to strengthen the strict measures
of secret defense (the most fatal poison for the prestige of authority)
we shall arrange a simulation of disorders or some manifestation of
discontents finding expression through the co-operation of good
speakers. Round these speakers will assemble all who are sympathetic
to his utterances. This will give us the pretext for domiciliary perquisites
and surveillance on the part of our servants from among
the number of the goyim police. . . . As the majority of conspirators act out of love for the game, for the sake of talking, so, until they commit some overt act we shall not lay a finger on them but only introduce into their midst observation elements. ... It must be remembered that the prestige of authority is lessened if it frequently discovers conspiracies against itself: this implies a presumption of consciousness of weakness, or, what is still worse, of injustice. You are aware that we have broken the prestige of the goy kings by frequent attempts upon their lives through our agents, blind sheep of our flock, who are easily moved by a few liberal phrases to crimes provided only they be painted in political colors. We have compelled the rulers to acknowledge their weakness in advertising overt measures of secret defense and thereby we shall bring the promise of authority to destruction.
Our ruler will be secretly protected only by the most insignificant guard, because we shall not admit so much as a thought that there could exist against him any sedition with which he is not strong enough to contend and is compelled to hide from it.
If we should admit this thought, as the goyim have done and are doing, we should ipso facto be signing a death sentence, if not for our ruler, at any rate for his dynasty, at no distant date.
According to strictly enforced outward appearances our ruler will employ his power only for the advantage of the nation and in no wise for his own or dynastic profits. Therefore, with the observance of this decorum, his authority will be respected and guarded by the subjects themselves, it will receive an apotheosis in the admission that with it is bound up the well-being of every citizen of the State, for upon it will depend all order in the common life of the pack. . . .
Overt defense of the king argues weakness in the organisation of his strength.
Our ruler will always among the people be surrounded by a mob of apparently curious men and women, who will occupy the front ranks about him, to all appearance by chance, and will restrain the ranks of the rest out of respect as it will appear for good order. This will sow an example of restraint also in others. If a petitioner appears among the people trying to hand a petition and forcing his way through the ranks, the first ranks must receive the petition and before the eyes of the petitioner pass it to the ruler, so that all may know that what is handed in reaches its destination, that, consequently, there exists a control of the ruler himself. The aureole of power requires for its existence that the people may be able to say: "If the king knew of this," or: "the king will hear of it."
With the establishment of official secret defense the mystical prestige of authority disappears: given a certain audacity, and everyone counts himself master of it, the sedition-monger is conscious of his strength, and when occasion serves watches for the moment to make an attempt upon authority. . . . For the goyim we have been preaching something else, but by that very fact we are enabled to see what measures of overt defense have brought them to. . .
Criminals with us will be arrested at the first more or less well grounded suspicion; it cannot be allowed that out of fear of a possible mistake an opportunity should be given of escape to persons suspected of a political lapse or crime, for in these matters we shall be literally merciless. If it is still possible, by stretching a point, to admit a reconsideration of the motive causes in simple crimes, there is no possibility of excuse for persons occupying themselves with questions in which nobody except the government can understand anything. . . . And it is not all governments that understand true policy.
PROTOCOL NO.
19
If we do not permit any independent dabbling in the political we
shall on the other hand encourage every kind of report or petition
with proposals for the government to examine into all kinds of
projects for the amelioration of the condition of the people; this will
reveal to us the defects or else the fantasies of our subjects, to which we shall respond either by accomplishing them or by a wise rebutment
to prove the short-sightedness of one who judges wrongly. Sedition-mongering is nothing more than the yapping of a lapdog at an elephant. For a government well organised, not from the police but from the public point of view, the lap-dog yaps at the elephant in entire unconsciousness of its strength and importance. It needs no more than to take a good example to show the relative importance of both and the lap-dogs will cease to yap and will wag their tails the moment they set eyes on an elephant.
In order to destroy the prestige of heroism for political crime we shall send it for trial in the category of thieving, murder, and every kind of abominable and filthy crime. Public opinion will then confuse in its conception this category of crime with the disgrace attaching to every other and will brand it with the same contempt.
We have done our best, and I hope we have succeeded, to obtain that the goyim should not arrive at this means of contending with sedition. It was for this reason that through the press and in speeches, indirectly—in cleverly compiled schoolbooks on history, we have advertised the martyrdom alleged to have been accepted by sedition mongers for the idea of the commonweal. This advertisement has increased the contingent of liberals and has brought thousands of goyim into the ranks of our livestock cattle.
PROTOCOL NO.
20
Today we shall touch upon the financial program, which I put
off to the end of my report as being the most difficult, the crowning
and the decisive point of our plans. Before entering upon it I will
remind you that I have already spoken before by way of a hint when
I said that the sum total of our actions is settled by the question of
figures. When we come into our kingdom our autocratic government will avoid, from a principle of self-preservation, sensibly burdening the masses of the people with taxes, remembering that it plays the part of father and protector. But as State organisation costs dear it is necessary nevertheless to obtain the funds required for it. It will, therefore, elaborate with particular precaution the question of equilibrium in this matter.
Our rule, in which the king will enjoy the legal fiction that everything in his State belongs to him (which may easily be translated into fact), will be enabled to resort to the lawful confiscation of all sums of every kind for the regulation of their circulation in the State. From this follows that taxation will best be covered by a progressive tax on property. In this manner the dues will be paid without straitening or ruining anybody in the form of a percentage of the amount of property. The rich must be aware that it is their duty to place a part of their superfluities at the disposal of the State since the State guarantees them security of possession of the rest of their property and the right of honest gains, I say honest, for the control over property will do away with robbery on a legal basis.
This social reform must come from above, for the time is ripe for it—it is indispensable as a pledge of peace.
The tax upon the poor man is a seed of revolution and works to the detriment of the State which in hunting after the trifling is missing the big. Quite apart from this, a tax on capitalists diminishes the growth of wealth in private hands in which we have in these days concentrated it as a counterpoise to the government strength of the goyim— their State finances.
A tax increasing in a percentage ratio to capital will give a much larger revenue than the present individual or property tax, which is useful to us now for the sole reason that it excites trouble and discontent among the goyim.
The force upon which our king will rest consists in the equilibrium and the guarantee of peace, for the sake of which things it is indispensable that the capitalists should yield up a portion of their incomes for the sake of the secure working of the machinery of the State. State needs must be paid by those who will not feel the burden and have enough to take from.
Such a measure will destroy the hatred of the poor man for the rich, in whom he will see a necessary financial support for the State, will see in him the organizer of peace and well-being since he will see that it is the rich man who is paying the necessary means to attain these things.
In order that payers of the educated classes should not too much distress themselves over the new payments they will have full accounts given them of the destination of those payments, with the exception of such sums as will be appropriated for the needs of the throne and the administrative institutions.
He who reigns will not have any properties of his own once all in the State represents his patrimony, or else the one would be in contradiction to the other; the fact of holding private means would destroy the right of property in the common possessions of all.
Relatives of him who reigns, his heirs excepted, who will be maintained by the resources of the State, must enter the ranks of servants of the State or must work to obtain the right of property; the privilege of royal blood must not serve for the spoiling of the treasury.
Purchase, receipt of money or inheritance will be subject to the payment of a stamp progressive tax. Any transfer of property, whether money or other, without evidence of payment of this tax which will be strictly registered by names, will render the former holder liable to pay interest on the tax from the moment of transfer of these sums up to the discovery of his evasion of declaration of the transfer. Transfer documents must be presented weekly at the local treasury office with notifications of the name, surname and permanent place of residence of the former and the new holder of the property. This transfer with register of names must begin from a definite sum which exceeds the ordinary expenses of buying and selling of necessaries, and these will be subject to payment only by a stamp impost of a definite percentage of the unit.
Just strike an estimate of how many times such taxes as these will cover the revenue of the goyim States.
The State exchequer will have to maintain a definite complement of reserve sums, and all that is collected above that complement must be returned into circulation. On these sums will be organised public works. The initiative in works of this kind, proceeding from State sources, will bind the working class firmly to the interests of the State and to those who reign. From these same sums also a part will be set aside as rewards of inventiveness and productiveness.
On no account should so much as a single unit above the definite and freely estimated sums be retained in the State treasuries, for money exists to be circulated and any kind of stagnation of money acts ruinously on the running of the State machinery, for which it is the lubricant; a stagnation of the lubricant may stop the regular working of the mechanism.
The substitution of interest-bearing paper for a part of the token of exchange has produced exactly this stagnation. The consequences of this circumstance are already sufficiently noticeable.
A court of account will also be instituted by us and in it the ruler will find at any moment a full accounting for State income and expenditure, with the exception of the current monthly account, not yet made up, and that of the preceding month, which will not yet have been delivered.
The one and only person who will have no interest in robbing the State is its owner, the ruler. This is why his personal control will remove the possibility of leakages of extravagances.
The representative function of the ruler at receptions for the sake of etiquette, which absorbs so much invaluable time, will be abolished in order that the ruler may have time for control and consideration. His power will not then be split up into fractional parts among timeserving favorites who surround the throne for its pomp and splendor, and are interested only in their own and not in the common interests of the State.
Economic crises have been produced by us for the goyim by no other means than the withdrawal of money from circulation. Huge capitals have stagnated, withdrawing money from States, which were constantly obliged to apply to those same stagnant capitals for loans. These loans burdened the finances of the State with the payment of interest and made them the bond slaves of these capitals. . . . The concentration of industry in the hands of capitalists out of the hands of small masters has drained away all the juices of the peoples and with them also of the States. . . .
The present issue of money in general does not correspond with the requirements per head, and cannot therefore satisfy all the needs of the workers. The issue of money ought to correspond with the growth of population and thereby children also must absolutely be reckoned as consumers of currency from the day of their birth. The revision of issue is a material question for the whole world.
You are aware that the gold standard has been the ruin of the States which adopted it, for it has not been able to satisfy the demands for money, the more so that we have removed gold from circulation as far as possible.
With us the standard that must be introduced is the cost of working-man power, whether it be reckoned in paper or in wood. We shall make the issue of money in accordance with the normal requirements of each subject, adding to the quantity with every birth and subtracting with every death.
The accounts will be managed by each department (the French administrative division), each circle.
In order that there may be no delays in the paying out of money for State needs the sums and terms of such payments will be fixed by decree of the ruler; this will do away with the protection by a ministry of one institution to the detriment of others.
The budgets of income and expenditure will be carried out side by side that they may not be obscured by distance one to another.
The reforms projected by us in the financial institutions and principles of the goyim will be closed by us in such forms as will alarm nobody. We shall point out the necessity of reforms in consequence of the disorderly darkness into which the goyim by their irregularities have plunged the finances. The first irregularity, as we shall point out, consists in their beginning with drawing up a single budget which year after year grows owing to the following cause: this budget is dragged out to half the year, then they demand a budget to put things right, and this they expend in three months, after which they ask for a supplementary budget, and all this ends with a liquidation budget. But, as the budget of the following year is drawn up in accordance with the sum of the total addition, the annual departure from the normal reaches as much as 50 per cent, in a year, and so the annual budget is trebled in ten years. Thanks to such methods, allowed by the carelessness of the goy States, their treasuries are empty. The period of loans supervenes, and that has swallowed up remainders and brought all the goy States to bankruptcy.
You understand perfectly that economic arrangements of this kind, which have been suggested to the goyim by us, cannot be carried on by us.
Every kind of loan proves infirmity in the State and a want of understanding of the rights of the State. Loans hang like a sword of Damocles over the heads of rulers, who, instead of taking from their subjects by a temporary tax, come begging with outstretched palm of our bankers. Foreign loans are leeches which there is no possibility of removing from the body of the State until they fall off of themselves or the State flings them off. But the goy States do not tear them off; they go on in persisting in putting more on to themselves so that they must inevitably perish, drained by voluntary bloodletting.
What also indeed is, in substance, a loan, especially a foreign loan? A loan is—an issue of government bills of exchange containing a percentage obligation commensurate to the sum of the loan capital. If the loan bears a charge of 5 per cent., then in twenty years the State vainly pays away in interest a sum equal to the loan borrowed, in forty years it is paying a double sum, in sixty—treble, and all the while the debt remains an unpaid debt.
From this calculation it is obvious that with any form of taxation per head the State is bailing out the last coppers of the poor taxpayers in order to settle accounts with wealthy foreigners, from whom it has borrowed money instead of collecting these coppers for its own needs without the additional interest.
So long as loans were internal the goyim only shuffled their money from the pockets of the poor to those of the rich, but when we bought up the necessary person in order to transfer loans into the external sphere all the wealth of States flowed into our cash-boxes and all the goyim began to pay us the tribute of subjects.
If the superficiality of goy kings on their thrones in regard to State affairs and the venality of ministers or the want of understanding of financial matters on the part of other ruling persons have made their countries debtors to our treasuries to amounts quite impossible to pay it has not been accomplished without on our part heavy expenditure of trouble and money.
Stagnation of money will not be allowed by us and therefore there will be no State interest-bearing paper, except a one per cent. series, so that there will be no payment of interest to leeches that suck all the strength out of the State. The right to issue interest-bearing paper will be given exclusively to industrial companies who will find no difficulty in paying interest out of profits, whereas the State does not make interest on borrowed money like these companies, for the State borrows to spend and not to use in operations.
Industrial papers will be bought also by the government which from being as now a payer of tribute by loan operations will be transformed into a lender of money at a profit. This measure will stop the stagnation of money, parasitic profits and idleness, all of which were useful for us among the goyim so long as they were independent but are not desirable under our rule.
How clear is the undeveloped power of thought of the 'purely brute brains of the goyim, as expressed in the fact that they have been borrowing from us with payment of interest without ever thinking that all the same these very moneys plus an addition for payment of interest must be got by them from their own State pockets in order to settle up with us. What could have been simpler than to take the money they wanted from their own people?
But it is a proof of the genius of our chosen mind that we have contrived to present the matter of loans to them in such a light that they have even seen in them an advantage for themselves. Our accounts, which we shall present when the time comes, in the light of centuries of experience gained by experiments made by us on the goy States, will be distinguished by clearness and definiteness and will show at a glance to all men the advantage of our innovations. They will put an end to those abuses to which we owe our mastery over the goyim, but which cannot be allowed in our kingdom.
We shall so hedge about our system of accounting that neither the ruler nor the most insignificant public servant will be in a position to divert even the smallest sum from its destination without detection or to direct it in another direction except that which will be once fixed in a definite plan of action.
And without a definite plan it is impossible to rule. Marching along an undetermined road and with undetermined resources brings to ruin by the way heroes and demi-gods.
The goy rulers, whom we once upon a time advised should be distracted from State occupations by representative receptions, observances of etiquette, entertainments, were only screens for our rule. The accounts of favorite courtiers who replaced them in the sphere of affairs were drawn up for them by our agents, and every time gave satisfaction to short-sighted minds by promises that in the future economies and improvements were foreseen. . . . Economies from what? From new taxes?—were questions that might have been but were not asked by those who read our accounts and projects. . . .
You know to what they have been brought by this carelessness, to what a pitch of financial disorder they have arrived, notwithstanding the astonishing industry of their peoples. . . .
PROTOCOL NO.
21
To what I reported to you at the last meeting I shall now add a
detailed explanation of internal loans. Of foreign loans I shall say
nothing more, because they have fed us with the national moneys of
the goyim, but for our State there will be no foreigners, that is,
nothing external. We have taken advantage of the venality of administrators and the slackness of rulers to get our moneys twice, thrice and more times over, by lending to the goy governments moneys which were not at all needed by the States. Could anyone do the like in regard to us? . . . Therefore, I shall only deal with the details of internal loans.
States announce that such a loan is to be concluded and open subscriptions for their own bills of exchange, that is, for their interest bearing paper. That they may be within the reach of all the price is determined at from a hundred to a thousand; and a discount is made for the earliest subscribers. Next day by artificial means the price of them goes up, the alleged reason being that everyone is rushing to buy them. In a few days the treasury safes are as they say overflowing and there's more money than they can do with (why then take it?). The subscription, it is alleged, covers many times over the issue total of the loan; in this lies the whole stage effect—look you, they say, what confidence is shown in the government's bills of exchange.
But when the comedy is played out there emerges the fact that a debit and an exceedingly burdensome debit has been created. For the payment of interest it becomes necessary to have recourse to new loans, which do not swallow up but only add to the capital debt. And when this credit is exhausted it becomes necessary by new taxes to cover, not the loan, but only the interest on it. These taxes are a debit employed to cover a debit. . . .
Later comes the time for conversions, but they diminish the payment of interest without covering the debt, and besides they cannot be made without the consent of the lenders; on announcing a conversion a proposal is made to return the money to those who are not willing to convert their paper. If everybody expressed his unwillingness and demanded his money back, the government would be hooked on their own flies and would be found insolvent and unable to pay the proposed sums. By good luck the subjects of the goy governments, knowing nothing about financial affairs, have always preferred losses on exchange and diminution of interest to the risk of new investments of their moneys, and have thereby many a time enabled these governments to throw off their shoulders a debit of several millions.
Nowadays, with external loans, these tricks cannot be played by the goyim for they know that we shall demand all our moneys back. In this way an acknowledged bankruptcy will best prove to the various countries the absence of any means between the interests of the peoples and of those who rule them. I beg you to concentrate your particular attention upon this point and upon the following: nowadays all internal loans are consolidated by so-called flying loans, that is, such as have terms of payment more or less near. These debts consist of moneys paid into the savings banks and reserve funds. If left for long at the disposition of a government these funds evaporate in the payment of interest on foreign loans, and are replaced by the deposit of equivalent amount of rents.
And these last it is which patch up all the leaks in the State treasuries of the goyim.
When we ascend the throne of the world all these financial and similar shifts, as being not in accord with our interests, will be swept away so as not to leave a trace, as also will be destroyed all money markets, since we shall not allow the prestige of our power to be shaken by fluctuations of prices set upon our values, which we shall announce by law at the price which represents their full worth without any possibility of lowering or raising. (Raising gives the pretext for lowering, which indeed was where we made a beginning in relation to the values of the goyim.)
We shall replace the money markets by grandiose government credit institutions, the object of which will be to fix the price of industrial values in accordance with government views. These institutions will be in a position to fling upon the market five hundred millions of industrial paper in one day, or to buy up for the same amount. In this way all industrial undertakings will come into dependence upon us. You may imagine for yourselves what immense power we shall thereby secure for ourselves...
PROTOCOL NO.
22
In all that has so far been reported by me to you, I have endeavored to depict with care the secret of what is coming, of what is past, and
of what is going on now, rushing into the flood of the great events
coming already in the near future, the secret of our relations to the
goyim and of financial operations. On this subject there remains still
a little for me to add. In our hands is the greatest power of our day—gold: in two days we can procure from our storehouses any quantity we may please.
Surely there is no need to seek further proof that our rule is predestined by God? Surely we shall not fail with such wealth to prove that all that evil which for so many centuries we have had to commit has served at the end of ends the cause of true well-being-—the bringing of everything into order? Though it be even by the exercise of some violence, yet all the same it will be established. We shall contrive to prove that we are benefactors who have restored to the rent and mangled earth the true good and also freedom of the person, and therewith we shall enable it to be enjoyed in peace and quiet, with proper dignity of relations, on the condition, of course, of strict observance of the laws established by us. We shall make plain therewith that freedom does not consist in dissipation and in the right of unbridled licence any more than the dignity and force of a man do not consist in the right for everyone to promulgate destructive principles in the nature of freedom of conscience, equality and the like, that freedom of the person in no wise consists in the right to agitate oneself and others by abominable speeches before disorderly mobs, and that true freedom consists in the inviolability of the person who honorably and strictly observes all the laws of life in common, that human dignity is wrapped up in consciousness of the rights and also of the absence of rights of each, and not wholly and solely in fantastic imaginings about the subject of one's ego.[sick fucks DC]
Our authority will be glorious because it will be all-powerful, will rule and guide, and not muddle along after leaders and orators shrieking themselves hoarse with senseless words which they call great principles and which are nothing else, to speak honestly, but utopian. . . . Our authority will be the crown of order, and in that is included the whole happiness of man. The aureole of this authority will inspire a mystical bowing of the knee before it and a reverent fear before it of all the peoples. True force makes no terms with any right, not even with that of God: none dare come near to it so as to take so much as a span from it away.
PROTOCOL NO.
23
That the peoples may become accustomed to obedience it is necessary
to inculcate lessons of humility and therefore to reduce the production
of articles of luxury. By this we shall improve morals which have
been debased by emulation in the sphere of luxury. We shall reestablish
small master production which will mean laying a mine under
the private capital of manufacturers. This is indispensable also for
the reason that manufacturers on the grand scale often move, though
not always consciously, the thoughts of the masses in directions against
the government. A people of small masters knows nothing of unemployment
and this binds him closely with existing order, and consequently
with the firmness of authority. Unemployment is a most
perilous thing for a government. For us its part will have been played
out the moment authority is transferred into our hands. Drunkenness
also will be prohibited by law and punishable as a crime against the
humanness of man who is turned into a brute under the influence
of alcohol. Subjects, I repeat once more, give blind obedience only to the strong hand which is absolutely independent of them, for in it they feel the sword of defense and support against social scourges. . . . What do they want with an angelic spirit in a king? What they have to see in him is the personification of force and power.
The supreme lord who will replace all now existing rulers, dragging on their existence among societies demoralized by us, societies that have denied even the authority of God, from whose midst breaks out on all sides the fire of anarchy, must first of all proceed to quench this all-devouring flame. Therefore he will be obliged to kill off those existing societies, though he should drench them with his own blood, that he may resurrect them again in the form of regularly organised troops fighting consciously with every kind of infection that may cover the body of the State with sores.
This Chosen One of God is chosen from above to demolish the senseless forces moved by instinct and not reason, by brutishness and not humanness. These forces now triumph in manifestations of robbery and every kind of violence under the mask of principles of freedom and rights. They have overthrown all forms of social order to erect on the ruins the throne of the King of the Jews; but their part will be played out the moment he enters into his kingdom. Then it will be necessary to sweep them away from his path, on which must be left no knot, no splinter.
Then will it be possible for us to say to the peoples of the world: "Give thanks to God and bow the knee before him who bears on his front the seal of the predestination of man, to which God Himself has led his star that none other but He might free us from all the before-mentioned forces and evils."
PROTOCOL NO.
24
I pass now to the method of confirming the dynastic roots of King
David to the last strata of the earth. This confirmation will first and foremost be included in that in which to this day has rested the force of conservatism by our learned elders of the conduct of all the affairs of the world, in the directing of the education of thought of all humanity.
Certain members of the seed of David will prepare the kings and their heirs, selecting not by right of heritage but by eminent capacities, inducting them into the most secret mysteries of the political, into schemes of government, but providing always that none may come to knowledge of the secrets. The object of this mode of action is that all may know that government cannot be entrusted to those who have not been inducted into the secret places of its art. . . .
To these persons only will be taught the practical application of the aforenamed plans by comparison of the experiences of many centuries, all the observations on the politico-economic moves and social sciences—in a word, all the spirit of laws which have been unshakably established by nature herself for the regulation of the relations of humanity.
Direct heirs will often be set aside from ascending the throne if in their time of training they exhibit frivolity, softness and other qualities that are the ruin of authority, which render them incapable of governing and in themselves dangerous for kingly office.
Only those who are unconditionally capable for firm, even if it be to cruelty, direct rule will receive the reins of rule from our learned elders.
In case of falling sick with weakness of will or other form of incapacity, kings must by law hand over the reins of rule to new and capable hands. . . .
The king's plans of action for the current moment, and all the more so for the future, will be unknown, even to those who are called his closest counselors.
Only the king and the three who stood sponsor for him will know what is coming.
In the person of the king who with unbending will is master of himself and of humanity all will discern as it were fate with its mysterious ways. None will know what the king wishes to attain by his dispositions, and therefore none will dare to stand across an unknown path.
It is understood that the brain reservoir of the king must correspond in capacity to the plan of government it has to contain. It is for this reason that he will ascend the throne not otherwise than after examination of his mind by the aforesaid learned elders.
That the people may know and love their king it is indispensable for him to converse in the market-places with his people. This ensures the necessary clinching of the two forces which are now divided one from another by us by the terror.
This terror was indispensable for us till the time comes for both these forces separately to fall under our influence.
The King of the Jews must not be at the mercy of his passions, and especially of sensuality: on no side of his character must he give brute instincts power over his mind. Sensuality worse than all else disorganizes the capacities of the mind and clearness of views, distracting the thoughts to the worst and most brutal side of human activity.
The prop of humanity in the person of the supreme lord of all the world of the holy seed of David must sacrifice to his people all personal inclinations.
Our supreme lord must be of an exemplary irreproachability.[Your supreme delusion will come upon you all at once.....you were told....I did not send THESE Prophets......
For both prophet and priest are profane; yea, in my house have I found their wickedness, saith the LORD.
Wherefore their way shall be unto them as slippery ways in the darkness: they shall be driven on, and fall therein: for I will bring evil upon them, even the year of their visitation, saith the LORD.
And I have seen folly in the prophets of Samaria; they prophesied in Baal, and caused my people Israel to err.
I have seen also in the prophets of Jerusalem an horrible thing: they commit adultery, and walk in lies: they strengthen also the hands of evildoers, that none doth return from his wickedness: they are all of them unto me as Sodom, and the inhabitants thereof as Gomorrah.
Therefore thus saith the LORD of hosts concerning the prophets; Behold, I will feed them with wormwood, and make them drink the water of gall: for from the prophets of Jerusalem is profaneness gone forth into all the land.
Thus saith the LORD of hosts, Hearken not unto the words of the prophets that prophesy unto you: they make you vain: they speak a vision of their own heart, and not out of the mouth of the LORD.
They say still unto them that despise me, The LORD hath said, Ye shall have peace; and they say unto every one that walketh after the imagination of his own heart, No evil shall come upon you.
For who hath stood in the counsel of the LORD, and hath perceived and heard his word? who hath marked his word, and heard it?
Behold, a whirlwind of the LORD is gone forth in fury, even a grievous whirlwind: it shall fall grievously upon the head of the wicked.
The anger of the LORD shall not return, until he have executed, and till he have performed the thoughts of his heart: in the latter days ye shall consider it perfectly.
I have not sent these prophets, yet they ran: I have not spoken to them, yet they prophesied.]......D.C.
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THE STORY OF
JONATHAN MAY
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