Friday, July 12, 2019

Part 1:The Best Enemy Money can Buy...America's Deaf Mute Blind Men & American Trucks in Korea and Vietnam — For the Other Side

The Best Enemy Money can Buy
By Antony Sutton
CHAPTER I 
America's Deaf Mute Blind Men 
"To attribute to others the identical sentiments that guide oneself is never to understand others." 
— Gustav Le Bon 
Over the past several decades, quietly, without media attention, many Americans in diverse fields of activity have been pressured into silence, and failing silence, have been removed from their positions or excommunicated from a chosen profession. These men range from historians in Department of State, top level officials in Department of Commerce, engineers working for IBM, to academics in America's leading universities. 

In each case threats and pressures which led to censorship, firing, and excommunication track back to the deaf mute blind men, and their associates in political Washington. 

Who are the deaf mute blind men? 

The Russian revolutionary Vladimir Ilych (Ulyanov) Lenin coined the phrase, and whatever we think of Lenin's revolutionary philosophy, we cannot deny his genius in the analysis of capitalists and their motivations. Here is Lenin on the "deaf mute blind men." 

The Capitalists of the world and their governments, in pursuit of conquest of the Soviet market, will close their eyes to the indicated higher reality and thus will turn into deaf mute blind men. They will extend credits, which will strengthen for us the Communist Party in their countries and giving us the materials and technology we lack, they will restore our military industry, indispensable for our future victorious attacks on our suppliers. In other words, they will labor for the preparation for their own suicide.1 

The Suppressed Higher Reality 
What is this "higher reality" that Lenin identifies? It is simply that the Soviet system cannot generate sufficient innovation and technology to become a world power, yet Soviet global ambitions demand that its socialist system challenge and surpass the capitalist systems of the West. Lenin deduced just before he died in 1923 that Soviet communism had an Achilles heel, a fatal defect. In a remarkable about-face Lenin then introduced the New Economic Policy, a return to limited free enterprise and a prelude to a long-lasting cooperation with Western capitalists — the deaf mute blind men. This policy was repeated by Communist China in the early 1980s. 

It is knowledge of this "higher reality" that has been ruthlessly suppressed by successive Administrations under political pressure from internationalist businessmen. The State Department, for example, has a disgraceful record of attempting to black out information and present a false picture of historical events. Under John Foster Dulles, Dr. G. Bernard Noble, a Rhodes scholar and an enemy of any attempt to change the Establishment's partyline, was promoted to take charge of the Historical Office at State Department. Two historians, Dr. Donald Dozer and Dr. Bryton Barron, who protested the official policy of distorting information and suppressing historical documents, were railroaded out of the State Department. Dr. Barron, in his book, Inside the State Department,2 specifically charged the State Department with responsibility for the exportation of military technology to the Soviet Union, and listed four examples of highly strategic tools whose export to the USSR was urged by officials of the State Department. 

1. Boring mills for manufacture of tanks, artillery, aircraft, and the atomic reactors used in submarines. 

2. Vertical boring mills for manufacture of jet engines. 

3. Dynamic balance machines used to balance shafts on engines for jet airplanes and guided missiles. 

4. External cylindrical grinding machines which a Defense Department expert testified were essential in making engine parts, guided missiles, and radar. 

Bryton Barron concludes: 

It should be evident that we cannot trust the present personnel of the Department to apply our agreements in the nation's interest any more than we can trust it to give us the full facts about our treaties and other international commitments. 

Breathtakingly inaccurate are the only words that can describe State Department claims regarding our military assistance to the Soviet Union. The general State Department line is that the Soviets have a self-developed technology, that trade is always peaceful, that we have controls on the export of strategic goods, and that there is no conceivable relationship between our export to the Soviet Union and Soviet armaments production· 

An example will make the point. Here is a statement by Ambassador Trezise to the Senate: 

Ambassador Trezise: We, I think, are sometimes guilty, Senator, of a degree of false and unwarranted pride in our industrial and technological might, a kind of arrogance, if you will · . . we are ahead of the Soviet Union in many areas of industry and technology. But a nation that can accomplish the scientific and technological feats the Soviet Union has accomplished in recent years is clearly not a primitive, mudhut economy .... It is a big, vigorous, strong, and highly capable national entity, and its performance in the space field and in other fields has given us every indication that Soviet engineers, technicians, scientists, are in the forefront of the scientists, engineers, technicians of the world. 

Senator Muskie: So that the urge towards increased trade with Eastern European countries has not resulted in a weakening of the restrictions related to strategic goods? 

Ambassador Trezise: I think that is an accurate statement, Senator. 

Now we have, we think, quite an effective system of handling items which are in the military area or so closely related thereto that they become strategic items by everybody's agreement. 

In fact, at the very time Trezise was making the above soothing statement, critical shipments of strategic materials and equipment were going forward to the Soviet Union. The so-called Export Control laws were a leaky sieve due to outright inefficiency in Departments of State and Commerce. 

Censorship has enabled politically appointed officials and the permanent Washington bureaucracy to make such unbelievably inaccurate statements without fear of challenge in Congress or by the American public. 

The State Department files are crammed with information concerning U.S. technical and economic assistance to the Soviet Union. The author of this book required three substantial volumes (see Bibliography) just to summarize this assistance for the years 1917-1970. Yet former Secretary of State Dean Rusk, presumably acting on the advice of State Department researchers, stated in 1961, "It would seem clear that the Soviet Union derives only the most marginal help in its economic development from the amount of U.S. goods it receives." A statement flatly contradictory to the massive evidence available in departmental files. 

In 1968 Nicholas de B. Katzenbach, Assistant Secretary of State, made a statement that was similarly inconsistent with observable fact, and displayed a fundamental lack of commonsense reasoning: 

We should have no illusions. If we do not sell peaceful goods to the nations of Eastern Europe, others will. If we erect barriers to our trade with Eastern Europe, we will lose the trade and Eastern Europe will buy elsewhere. But we will not make any easier our task of stopping aggression in Vietnam nor in building security for the United States.3 

In fact, aggression in South Vietnam would have been impossible without U.S. assistance to the Soviet Union. Much of the key "European" technology cited derives from U.S. subsidiaries. 

Jack N. Behrman, former Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Affairs at the Department of Commerce, repeated the same theme on behalf of the Commerce Department: 

This is the old problem of economic dependency. However, I do not believe that Russia would in fact permit herself to become dependent upon imported sources of strategic goods. Rather she would import amounts additional to her strategic needs, thereby relieving the pressure on her economy by not risking dependence.4 

In fact, Jack Behrman to the contrary notwithstanding, Soviet Russia is the most dependent large nation in modern history, for wheat as well as technology. 

Here's another statement from former Secretary of Commerce Maurice H. Stans: 

Q: Is there danger of this country's helping the Russians build a war potential that might be turned against the interests of the free world? 

A: Under the circumstances, we might be very foolish not to accept business which could create jobs in the United States, when refusing to sell to the Soviet Union would in no way deter their progress.5 

Suppression of Information 
Information suppression concerning Soviet relations with the United States may be found in all administrations, Democrat and Republican, from President Wilson to President Reagan. For example, on November 28, 1917, just a few weeks after the Petrograd and Moscow Bolsheviks had overthrown the democratic and constitutional government of Russia, "Colonel" House (then in Paris) intervened on behalf of the Bolsheviks and cabled President Wilson and the Secretary of State in the "Special Green" cipher of the State Department as follows: 

There has been cabled over and published here [Paris] statements made by American papers to the effect that Russia should be treated as an enemy. It is exceedingly important that such criticisms should be suppressed...6 

Suppression of information critical of the Soviet Union and our military assistance to the Soviets may be traced in the State Department files from this 1917 House cable down to the present day, when export licenses issued for admittedly military equipment exports to the USSR are not available for public information. In fact, Soviet sources must be used to trace the impact of some American technology on Soviet military development. The Soviet Register of Shipping, for example, publishes the technical specifications of main engines in Russian vessels (including country of manufacture): this information is not available from U.S. official sources. In November 1971, Krasnaya Zvezda published an article with specific reference to the contribution of the basic Soviet industrial structure to the Soviet military power — a contribution that representatives of the U.S. Executive Branch have explicitly denied to the public and to Congress. 

Even today U.S. assistance to the Soviet military-industrial complex and its weapons systems cannot be documented from open U.S. sources alone because export license memoranda are classified data. Unless the technical nature of our shipments to the USSR is known, it is impossible to determine their contribution to the Soviet military complex. The national security argument is not acceptable as a defense for classification because the Soviets know what they are buying. So does the United States government. So do U.S. firms. So do the deaf mute blind men. The group left out in the cold is the American taxpayer-voter. 

From time to time bills have been introduced in Congress to make export-license information freely available. These bills have never received Administration support. Nonavailability of current information means that decisions affecting all Americans are made by a relatively few government officials without impartial outside scrutiny, and under political pressure from internationalist businessmen. In many cases these decisions would not be sustained if subjected to public examination and criticism. It is argued by policy-makers that decisions affecting national security and international relations cannot be made in a goldfish bowl. The obvious answer to this is the history of the past seventy years: we have had one catastrophic international problem after another — and in the light of history, the outcome would have been far less costly if the decisions had been made in a goldfish bowl. 

For instance, little more than a decade after House's appeal to Wilson, Senator Smoot inquired of the State Department about the possible military end-uses of an aluminum powder plant to be erected in the Soviet Union by W. Hahn, an American engineer. State Department files contain a recently declassified document which states why no reply was ever given to Senator Smoot: 

No reply was made to Senator Smoot by the Department as the Secretary did not desire to indicate that the Department had no objection to the rendering by Mr. Hahn of technical assistance to the Soviet authorities in the production of aluminum powder, in view of the possibility of its use as war material, and preferred to take no position at the time in regard to the matter.

Congressional action in the Freedom on Information Act and administrative claims of speedy declassification have not changed this basic situation. Major significant documents covering the history of the past seventy years are buried, and they will remain buried until an outraged public opinion puts some pressure on Congress. 

Congress has on the other hand investigated and subsequently published several reports on the export of strategic materials to the Soviet Union. One such instance, called "a life and death matter" by Congress, concerned the proposed shipment of ball bearing machines to the USSR.8 The Bryant Chucking Grinder Company accepted a Soviet order for thirty-five Centalign-B machines for processing miniature ball bearings. All such precision ball bearings in the United States, used by the Department of Defense for missile guidance systems, were processed on seventy-two Bryant Centalign Model-B machines. 

In 1961 the Department of Commerce approved export of thirty-five such machines to the USSR, which would have given the Soviets capability about equal to 50 percent of the U.S. capability. 

The Soviets had no equipment for such mass production processing, and neither the USSR nor any European manufacturer could manufacture such equipment. A Department of Commerce statement that there were other manufacturers was shown to be inaccurate. Commerce proposed to give the Soviet Union an ability to use its higher-thrust rockets with much greater accuracy and so pull ahead of the United States. Subsequently, a congressional investigation yielded accurate information not otherwise available to independent non-government researchers and the general public. 

Congressional investigations have also unearthed extraordinary "errors" of judgment by high officials. For example, in 1961 a dispute arose in U.S. government circles over the "Transfermatic Case" — a proposal to ship to the USSR two transfer lines (with a total value of $4.3 million) for the production of truck engines. 

In a statement dated February 23, 1961, the Department of Defense went on record against shipment of the transfer lines on the grounds that "the technology contained in these Transfermatic machines produced in the United States is the most advanced in the world," and that "so far as this department knows, the USSR has not installed this type of machinery. The receipt of this equipment by the USSR will contribute to the Soviet military and economic warfare potential." This argument was arbitrarily overturned by the incoming Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara. Secretary McNamara did not allow for the known fact that most Soviet military trucks came from two American-built plants even then receiving equipment from the United States. The Transfermatic machines approved by McNamara had clear and obvious military uses — as the Department of Defense had previously argued. Yet McNamara allowed them to go forward. 

Yet another calculated deception of the American public can be traced to the Johnson Administration. In 1966 the U.S. Department of State produced a beautiful, extravagantly illustrated brochure of American hand tools. This was printed in Russian, for distribution in Russia, with a preface — in Russian — by Lyndon Johnson. Requests to the State Department for a copy of this brochure went unanswered. The book is not listed in official catalogues of government publications. It is not available or even known to the general public. No printer's name appears on the back cover. The publisher is not listed. The author obtained a copy from Russia. Here is the preface: 

Hand Tools — USA9 
Welcome to the "Hand Tools — USA" exhibit — the eighth consecutive exhibit arranged for citizens of the Soviet Union. 

At this exhibit you will see samples of various hand tools currently manufactured in the United States — tools that facilitate manual work and make it possible to produce better-quality industrial goods at a much lower cost. 

Since the very early days of the history of our country, Americans of all ages have worked with hand tools. In industry and at home, in factories and on farms, in workshops and schools, the hand tool has become indispensable in our lives. 

Some of these tools have retained their original simplicity of design; others have acquired entirely new forms and are now used to perform new functions. 

We sincerely hope that this exhibit will lead to a better understanding of the American people and their way of life. 
/s/ Lyndon B. Johnson 

Why all the secrecy? Imagine the public reaction in 1966, when the Soviets were supplying the North Viets with weapons to kill Americans (over 5,000 were killed that year), if it had become known that the State Department had published lavish booklets in Russian for free distribution in Russia at taxpayers' expense. 

However, the point at issue is not the wisdom of publication, but the wisdom of concealment. The public is not told because the public might protest. In other words, the public cannot be trusted to see things in the same light as the policymakers, and the policymakers are unwilling to defend their positions. 

Further, what would have been the domestic political consequences if it had been known that a U.S. President had signed a document in Russian, lavishly produced at the taxpayers' expense for free distribution in Russia, while Russian weapons were killing Americans in Vietnam with assistance from our own deaf mute blind men? The citizen-taxpayer does not share the expensive illusions of the Washington elite., The political reaction by the taxpayer, and his few supporters in Congress, would have been harsh and very much to the point. 

The Deaf Mute Blind men 
The key party interested in concealment of information about our export to the Soviet Union is, of course, the American firms and individuals prominently associated with such exports, i.e., the deaf mute blind men themselves. 

In general, the American public has a basic right to know what is being shipped and who is shipping it, if the Soviets are using the material against us. The public also has a right to know about the personal interests of presidential appointees and previous employment with firms prominent in trade with the USSR. 

Until recently, the firms involved could publicly claim ignorance of the use to which the Soviets put imported Western technology. It is not a good claim, but it was made. From the 1970's on, ignorance of end-use is not a valid claim. The evidence is clear, overwhelming, and readily available: the Soviets have used American technology to kill Americans and their allies. 

The claim that publication of license information would give undue advantage to competitors is not the kind of argument that an honest businessman would make. It is only necessary to publish certain basic elementary information: date, name of firm, amount, destination in the USSR, and a brief statement of the technical aspects. Every industry has a "grapevine" and potential business in an industry is always common knowledge. 

In any event, suppose there was adverse comment about a particular sale to the Soviets? Is this a bad thing? If our policies are indeed viable, why fear public opinion? Or are certain sectors of our society to be immune from public criticism? 

Soviet dependency on our technology, and their use of this technology for military purposes, could have been known to Congress on a continuing basis in the 1950s and 1960s if export license information had been freely available. The problem was suspected, but the compilation of the proof had to wait several decades until the evidence became available from Soviet sources. In the meantime, Administration and business spokesmen were able to make absurd statements to Congress without fear of challenge. In general, only those who had already made up their minds that Soviet trade was desirable had access to license information. These were the deaf mute blind men only able to see their own conception of events and blind to the fact that we had contributed to construction of Soviet military power. 

In 1968, for example, the Gleason Company of Rochester, New York shipped equipment to the Gorki automobile plant in Russia, a plant previously built by the Ford Motor Company. The information about shipment did not come from 'the censored licenses but from foreign press sources. Knowledge of license application for any equipment to be used to Gorki would have elicited vigorous protests to Congress. Why? Because the Gorki plant produces a wide range of military vehicles and equipment. Many of the trucks used on the Ho Chi Minh trail were GAZ vehicles from Gorki. The rocket-launchers used against Israel are mounted on GAZ-69 chassis made at Gorki. They have Ford-type engines made at Gorki. 

Thus, a screen of censorship vigorously supported by multinational businessmen has withheld knowledge of a secret shift in direction of U.S. foreign policy. This shift can be summarized as follows: 

1. Our long-run technical assistance to the Soviet Union has built a first-order military threat to our very existence. 

2. Our lengthy history of technical assistance to the Soviet military structure was known to successive administrations, but has only recently (1982) been admitted to Congress or to the American public. 

3. Current military assistance is also known, but is admitted only on a case by case basis when information to formulate a question can be obtained from non government sources. 

4. As a general rule, detailed data on export licenses, which are required to establish the continuing and long-run dependence of the Soviet military industrial complex on the United States, have been made available to Congress only by special request, and have been denied completely to the American public at large. 

In brief, all presidential administrations, from that of Woodrow Wilson to that of Ronald Reagan, have followed a bipartisan foreign policy of building up the Soviet Union. This policy is censored. It is a policy of suicide. 

Persistent pressure from nongovernmental researchers and knowledgeable individuals has today forced the Administration to at least publicly acknowledge the nature of the problem but still do very little about it. For instance, in an interview on March 8, 1982, William Casey, Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, made the following revealing statement: 

We have determined that the Soviet strategic advances depend on Western technology to a far greater degree than anybody ever dreamed of. It just doesn't make any sense for us to spend additional billions of dollars to protect ourselves against the capabilities that the Soviets have developed largely by virtue of having pretty much of a free ride on our research and development. 

They use every method you can imagine — purchase, legal and illegal; theft; bribery; espionage; scientific exchange; study of trade press, and invoking the Freedom of Information Act — to get this information. 

We found that scientific exchange is a big hole. We send scholars or young people to the Soviet Union to study Pushkin poetry; they send a 45-year-old man out of their KGB or defense establishment to exactly the schools and the professors who are working on sensitive technologies. 

The KGB has developed a large, independent, specialized organization which does nothing but work on getting access to Western science and technology. They have been recruiting about 100 young scientists and engineers a year for the last 15 years. They roam the world looking for technology to pick up. 

Back in Moscow there are 400 or 500 assessing what they might need and where they might get it — doing their targeting and then assessing what they get. It's a very sophisticated and far flung operation.10 

Unfortunately, Mr. Casey, who pleads surprise at the discovery, is still concealing the whole story. This author (not alone) made this known to Department of Defense over 15 years ago, with a request for information to develop the full nature of the problem. This exchange of letters is reproduced as Appendix A. Nothing was done in 1971. In the past 15 years there has been a superficial change — the Reagan Administration is now willing to admit the existence of the problem. It has not yet been willing to face the policy challenge. Until the deaf mute blind men are neutralized, our assistance for Soviet strategic advances will continue. 

CHAPTER II 
American Trucks in Korea and 
Vietnam — For the Other Side 
If we do not develop our automobile industry, we are threatened with the heaviest losses, if not defeats, in a future war. 
Pravda, July 20, 1927 
At the end of World War II the U.S. government appointed an interagency committee to consider the future of the German automobile industry and its war-making potential. This committee concluded that any motor vehicle industry in any country is an important factor in that country's war potential. 

More than half U.S. tanks, almost all armored and half-track vehicles and one-third of guns over 33 millimeter were manufactured in U.S. civilian motor vehicle plants. 

Consequently, the committee unanimously recommended: 

1. Any vehicle industry is a major force for war. 

2. German automotive manufacturing should be prohibited because it was a war industry. 

3. Numerous military products can be made by the automobile industry, including aerial torpedoes, aircraft cannon, aircraft instruments, aircraft engines, aircraft engines parts, aircraft ignition testers, aircraft machine guns, aircraft propeller subassemblies, aircraft propellers, aircraft servicing and testing equipment, aircraft struts, airframes, and so on. A total of 300 items of military equipment was listed. 

A comparison of the recommendations from this committee with subsequent administrative recommendations and policies for the export of automobile-manufacturing plants to the Soviet Union demonstrates extraordinary inconsistencies. If automobile-manufacturing capacity has "warlike" potential for Germany and the United States, then it also has "warlike" potential for the Soviet Union. But the recommendations for post-war Germany and the Soviet Union are totally divergent. Some of the same Washington bureaucrats (for example, Charles R. Weaver of the Department of Commerce) participated in making both decisions. 

In brief, any automobile or tractor plant can be used to produce tanks, armored cars, military trucks, other military vehicles and equipment. A major conclusion reached by a U.S. interagency committee formed to study the war-making potential of the U.S. and German automotive industries was that a motor vehicle industry has enormous military potential. 

"The Committee recognized without dissent that [Germany's] motor vehicle industry was an important factor in her waging of war during World War II." 

On the basis of its findings, the committee recommended that the manufacture of complete automobiles in Germany be prohibited, that the manufacture of certain parts and subassemblies be "specifically prohibited," and that Germany "should not be permitted to retain in her possession any types of vehicles or particular military application, such as track-laying vehicles, multi-axle vehicles, etc." 

The committee further listed more than 300 "war products manufactured by the automotive industry." 

These conclusions have been ignored for the Soviet automobile industry, even while the Soviets themselves officially stated their intention to use foreign automobile technology for military vehicles as early as 1927. V. V. Ossinsky, a top planner, wrote a series of articles for Pravda (July 20, 21 and 22, 1927) with the following warning: 

If in a future war we use the Russian peasant cart against the American or European automobile, the result to say the least will be disproportionately heavy losses, the inevitable consequences of technical weakness. This is certainly not industrialized defense. 

The Soviet military-civilian vehicle manufacturing industry, as subsequently developed, produces a limited range of utilitarian trucks and automobiles in a few large plants designed, built by, and almost entirely equipped with Western, primarily American, technical assistance and machinery. These motor vehicle plants mostly manufacture their own components and ship these to assembly plants elsewhere in the Soviet Union. 

There is a high degree of integration between Russian military and civilian vehicle models. Military and civilian vehicles have interchangeable parts and Soviet policy is to maximize unification of military and civilian designs to assist model change-over in case of war. 

This unification of military and civilian automobile design has been described by the Soviet economist A. N. Lagovskiy: 

The fewer design changes between the old and the new type of product, the easier and more rapidly the enterprise will shift to new production. If, for example, chassis, motors, and other parts of a motor vehicle of a civilian model are used for a military motor vehicle, or course, the shift to the mass production of the military motor vehicle will occur considerably faster and more easily than if the design of all the main parts were different. 

Lagovskiy notes that Soviet "civilian" agricultural tractors and motor vehicles can be used directly as military vehicles without major conversion. Soviet tractors (direct copies of Caterpillar models) were used as artillery tractors in World War II and Korea. General G. I. Pokrovski makes a similar argument about the U.S. 106-millimeter recoilless weapon mounted on a Willys jeep and comments that "even relatively powerful recoilless artillery systems can, at the present time, be mounted on a light automobile without reducing the number of men accomodated."11 

Almost all — possibly 95 percent — of Soviet military vehicles are produced in very large plants designed by American engineers in the 1930s through the 1970s. 

The Soviet Military Truck Industry 
Soviet civilian and military trucks are produced in the same plants and have extensive interchangeability of parts and components. For example, the ZIL-131 was the main 31/2- ton 6x6 Soviet military truck used in Vietnam and Afghanistan and is produced also in a civilian 4 x 2 version as the ZIL-130. Over 60 percent of the parts in the ZIL-131 military truck are common to the ZIL-130 civilian truck. 

All Soviet truck technology and a large part of Soviet truck-manufacturing equipment has come from the West, mainly from the United States. While some elementary transfers-lines and individual machines for vehicle production are made in the Soviet Union, these are copies of Western machines and always obsolete in design. 

Many major American companies have been prominent in building up the Soviet truck industry. The Ford Motor Company, the A. J. Brandt Company, the Austin Company, General Electric, Swindell-Dressier, and others supplied the technical assistance, design work, and equipment of the original giant plants. 

This Soviet military-civilian truck industry originally comprised two main groups of plants, plus five newer giant plants. The first group used models, technical assistance, and parts and components from the Ford-built Gorki automobile plant (GAZ is the model designation). The second group of production plants used models, parts, and components from the A. J. Brandt-rebuilt ZIL plant in Moscow (Zavod imeni Likhachev, formerly the AMO and later the Stalin plant). Consequently this plant was called the BBH-ZIL plant after the three companies involved in its reconstruction and expansion in the 1930s: A. J. Brandt, Budd, and Hamilton Foundry. 

There is a fundamental difference between the Ford and Brandt companies. Brandt had only one contract in the USSR, to rebuild the old AMO plant in 1929. AMO in 1930 had a production of 30,000 trucks per year, compared to the Gorki plant, designed from scratch by Ford for an output of 140,000 vehicles per year. Ford is still interested in Russian business. Brandt is not interested and has not been since 1930. 

The Ford-Gorki group of assembly plants includes the plants at Ulyanovsk (model designation UAZ), Odessa (model designation OAZ), and Pavlovo (model designation PAZ). The BBH-ZIL group includes the truck plants at Mytischiy (MMZ model designation), Miass (or URAL Zis), Dnepropetrovsk (model designation DAZ), Kutaisi (KAZ model), and Lvov (LAZ model). Besides these main groups there are also five independent plants. The Minsk truck plant (MAZ) was built with German assistance. The Hercules-Yaroslavl truck plant (YaAz) was built by the Hercules Motor Company. The MZMA plant in Moscow, which manufactures small automobiles, was also built by Ford Motor Company. 

In the late 1960s came the so-called Fiat-Togliatti auto plant. Three-quarters of this equipment came from the United States. Then in 1972 the U.S. government issued $1 billion in licenses to export equipment and technical assistance for the Kama truck plant. Planned as the largest truck plant in the world, it covers 36 square miles and produces more heavy trucks, including military trucks, than the output of all U.S. heavy truck manufacturers combined. (Togliatti and Kama are described in Chapter Three below.) 

This comprises the complete Soviet vehicle manufacturing industry — all built with Western, primarily American, technical assistance and technology. Military models are produced in these plants utilizing the same components as the civilian models. The two main vehicle production centers, Gorki and ZIL, manufacture more than two-thirds of all Soviet civilian vehicles (excluding the new Togliatti and Kama plants) and almost all current military vehicles. 

The Ford Gorki "Automobile" Plant 
In May 1929 the Soviets signed an agreement with the Ford Motor Company of Detroit. The Soviets agreed to purchase $13 million worth of automobiles and parts and Ford agreed to give technical assistance until 1938 to construct an integrated automobile-manufacturing plant at Nizhni-Novgorod. Construction was completed in 1933 by the Austin Company for production of the Ford Model-A passenger car and light truck. Today this plant is known as Gorki. With its original equipment supplemented by imports and domestic copies of imported equipment, Gorki produces the GAZ range of automobiles, trucks, and military vehicles. All Soviet vehicles with the model prefix GAZ (Gorki Avtomobilnyi Zavod) are from Gorki, and models with prefixes UAX, OdAZ, and PAZ are made from Gorki components. 

In 1930 Gorki produced the Ford Model-A (known as GAZ-A) and the Ford light truck (called GAZ-AA). Both these Ford models were immediately adopted for military use. By the late 1930s production at Gorki was 80,000-90,000 "Russian Ford" vehicles per year. 

The engine production facilities at Gorki were designed under a technical assistance agreement with the Brown Lipe Gear Company for gear-cutting technology and Timken-Detroit Axle Company for rear and front axles. 

Furthermore, U.S. equipment has been shipped in substantial quantifies to Gorki and subsidiary plants since the 1930s — indeed some shipments were made from the United States in 1968 during the Vietnamese War. 

As soon as Ford's engineers left Gorki in 1930 the Soviets began production of military vehicles. The Soviet BA armored car of the 1930s was the GAZ-A (Ford Model-A) chassis, intended for passenger cars, but converted to an armored car with the addition of a DT machine gun. The BA was followed by the BA-10 — the Ford Model-A truck chassis with a mount containing either a 37-millimeter gun or a 12.7-millimeter heavy machine gun. A Red Army staff car was also based on the Ford Model-A in the pre-war period. 

During World War II Gorki produced the GAZ-60 — a hybrid half-track personnel carrier that combined the GAZ-63 chassis. In the late 1940s the plant switched to production of an amphibious carrier — The GAZ-46. This was a standard GAZ-69 chassis with a U.S. quarter-ton amphibious body. 

In the mid-1950s Gorki produced the GAZ-47 armored amphibious cargo carrier with space for nine men. Its engine was the GAZ-61, a 74-horsepower Ford-type 6-cylinder in-line gasoline engine — the basic Gorki engine. 

In the 1960s and 1970s production continued with an improved version of the BAZ-47 armored cargo carrier, using a GAZ-53 V-8 type engine developing 115 horsepower. 

In brief, the Ford-Gorki plant has a continuous history of production of armored cars and wheeled vehicles for Soviet army use: those used against the United States in Korea and Vietnam. 

In addition to armored cars, the Ford-Gorki factory manufactures a range of truck-mounted weapons. This series began in the early thirties with a 76.2-millimeter field howitzer mounted on the Ford-GAZ Model-A truck. Two similar weapons from Gorki before World War II were a twin 25-millimeter antiaircraft machine gun and a quad 7.62-millimeter Maxim antiaircraft machine gun — also mounted on the Ford-GAZ truck chassis. 

During World War II Gorki produced several rocket-launchers mounted on trucks. First the 12-rail, 300-millimeter launcher; then, from 1944 onwards, the M-8, M-13, and M-31 rocket-launchers mounted on GAZ-63 trucks. (The GAZ-63 is an obvious direct copy of the U.S. Army's 21/2-ton truck.) Also during World War II Gorki produced the GAZ-203, 85- horsepower engine for the SU-76 self-propelled gun produced at Uralmashzavod. (Uralmash was designed and equipped by American and German companies.) 

After World War II Gorki production of rocket-launchers continued with the BM-31, which had twelve 300-millimeter tubes mounted on a GAZ-63 truck chassis. In the late 1950s another model was produced with twelve 140-millimeter tubes on a GAZ-63 truck chassis. In the 1960s yet another model with eight 140-millimeter tube was produced on a GAZ-63 chassis. 

Finally, in 1964 Gorki produced the first Soviet wire-guided missile antitank system. This consisted of four rocket-launchers mounted on a GAZ-69 chassis. These weapons turned up in Israel in the late 1960s. The GAZ-69 chassis produced at Gorki is also widely used in the Soviet Army as a command vehicle and scout car. Soviet airborne troops use it as a tow for the 57-millimeter antitank gun and the 14.5-millimeter double-barrelled antiaircraft gun. Other Gorki vehicles used by the Soviet military include the GAZ-69 truck, used for towing the 107-millimeter recoilless rifle (RP-107), the GAZ-46, or Soviet jeep, and the GAZ-54, a 1 1/2-ton military cargo truck. 

In brief, the Gorki plant, built by the Ford Motor Company the Austin Company and modernized by numerous other U.S. companies under the policy of "peaceful trade," is today a major producer of Soviet army vehicles and weapons carriers.

The A. J. Brandt-ZIL Plant 
A technical assistance agreement was concluded in 1929 with the Arthur J. Brandt Company of Detroit for the reorganization and expansion of the tsarist AMO truck plant, previously equipped in 1917 with new U.S. equipment. Design work for this expansion was handled in Brandt's Detroit office and plant and American engineers were sent to Russia. 

The AMO plant was again expanded in 1936 by the Budd Company and Hamilton Foundry and its name was changed to ZIS (now ZIL). During World War II the original equipment was removed to establish the URALS plant and the ZIS plant was re-established with LendLease equipment. 

The first armored vehicle produced at AMO was an adaptation of the civilian ZIL-6 truck produced after the Brandt reorganization in 1930. This vehicle was converted into a mount for several self-propelled weapons, including the single 76.2-millimeter antiaircraft gun and the 76.2-millimeter antitank gun. 

In World War II the ZIL-6 was adapted for the 85-millimeter antitank and antiaircraft guns, quadruple 7.62 Maxims, and several self-propelled rocket-launchers, including the M-8 36- rail, 80-millimeter, and the Katyusha model M-13/A 16-rail, 130-millimeter rocketlauncher. 

In the immediate postwar period the ZIL-150 truck chassis was used as a mount for the model M-13 rocket-launcher and the ZIL-151 truck was used as a mount for the M-31 rocket-launcher. In addition, the ZIL-151 truck was used as a prime mover for the 82- millimeter gun. 

In 1953 the ZIL-151 truck was adapted for several other weapons, including the BM-24, 240-millimeter, 12-tube rocket-launcher; the RM-131-millimeter, 32-tube rocket-launcher; the BM-14, 140-millimeter, 16-tube rocket-launcher, and the 200-millimeter, 4-tube rocketlauncher. 

In the 1960s the ZIL-157 truck became a mount for the GOA-SA-2 antiaircraft missile, and a prime mover for another rocket system. 

The ZIL plant has also produced unarmored cargo and troop vehicles for the Soviet Army. In 1932 the ZIL-33 was developed; an unarmored half-track used as a troop carrier. In 1936 the ZIL-6 was developed as a half-track and during World War II the ZIL-42 was developed as a 21/2-ton tracked weapons carrier. In the postwar period the ZIL-151 truck chassis was adapted for the BTR-152 armored troop carrier. In the 1950s the ZIL-485 was developed; a replica of the American DUKW mounted on a ZIL-151 truck, and followed by an improved DUKW mounted on a ZIL-157 truck. 

From 1954 onwards new versions of the BTR-152 were added, based on the ZIL-157 truck. In the 1960s a new BTR-60 (8 x 8) amphibious personnel carrier was developed with a ZIL375 gasoline engine. 

Other ZIL vehicles are also used for military purposes. For example the ZIL-111 is used as a radar and computer truck for antiaircraft systems and as a tow for the M-38 short 122- millimeter howitzer The ZIL-111 is copied from Studebaker 6 x 6 trucks supplied under Lend-Lease. 

There is a great deal of interchangeability between the military and civilian versions of the ZIL family of vehicles. For example, an article in Ordnance states: 

In the 1940s the ZIL-151, a 21/2-ton 6 x 6 was the workhorse of the Soviet Army. It was replaced in the 1950s by the ZIL-157, an apparent product improved version. In the 1960s, however, this vehicle class requirement was met by the ZIL-131, a 31/2-ton 6 x 6 vehicle, essentially a military design. It is of interest to note that a civilian version was marketed as the ZIL-130 in a 4 x 2 configuration. Over 60 percent of the components in the military version are common to the civilian vehicle. 

Thus the ZIL plant, originally designed and rebuilt under the supervision of the A. J. Brandt Company of Detroit in 1930 and equipped by other American companies, was again expanded by Budd and Hamilton Foundry in 19;36. Rebuilt with Lend-Lease equipment and periodically updated with late model imports, ZIL has had a long and continuous history of producing Soviet military cargo trucks and weapons carriers. 

On April 19, 1972, the U.S. Navy photographed a Russian freighter bound for Haiphong with a full load of military cargo, including a deck load of ZIL-130 cargo trucks and ZIL-555 dump trucks (Human Events, May 13, 1972). Thus the "peaceful trade" of the 1930s, the 1940s, the 1950s, 1960s and the 1970s was used to kill Americans in Vietnam, and commit genocide in Afghanistan. 

The original 1930 equipment was removed from ZIL in 1944 and used to build the Miass plant. It was replaced by Lend-Lease equipment, was supplemented by equipment imports in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. 

The Urals plant at Miass (known as Urals ZIS or ZIL) was built in 1944 and largely tooled with equipment evacauted form the Moscow ZIL plant. The Urals Miass plant started production with the Urals-5 light truck, utilizing an engine with the specifications of the 1920 Fordson (original Ford Motor Company equipment supplied in the late 1920s was used, supplemented by Lend-Lease equipment). The Urals plant today produces weapons models: for example, a prime mover for guns, including the long-range 130-millimeter cannon, and two versions — tracked and wheeled — of a 12-ton prime mover. 

Possibly there may have been doubt as to Soviet end-use of truck plants back in the 20s and ;30s, but the above information certainly was known to Washington at least by the mid 1960s when this author's first volume was published. The next chapter presents official Washington's suicidal reaction to this information, under pressure from the deaf mute blind men. 

next
The Deaf Mutes Supply Trucks for Afghan Genocide 33s 

Footnotes:
Chapter 1 
1 Quoted in Joseph Finder, Red Carpet (Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1984), p. 8 
2 Bryton Barron, Inside the State Department (New York: Comet Press, 1956). 
3 House of Representatives, To Amend the Export-Import Bank Act of 1945 (Washington, DC, 1968), p. 64. 
4 Ibid. 
5 U.S. News & World Report, December 20, 1971. 
6 See Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution {New York: Arlington House, 1974). 
7 U.S. State Dept. Decimal File, 861.659-Du Pont de Nemours & Co/5. 
8 U.S. Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Proposed Shipment of Ball Bearing Machines to the U.S.S.R. (Washington, 1961). 
9 Author's translation from Russian of brochure for "Hand Tools -- USA" exhibit. 
10 United States Senate, Transfer of United States High Technology to the Soviet Union and Soviet Bloc Nations Hearings before the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, 97th Congress Second Session, May 1982, Washington, D.C., p. 55

Chapter 2
*The report is Study by Interagency Committee on the Treatment of the German Automotive Industry the Standpoint of National Security (Washington, D.C.: Foreign Economic Administration, July 14, 1945), Report T.I.D.C. No. 12. 
11 G. I. Pokrovski, Science and Technology in Contemporary War (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1959), p. 122. 

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