Secret Agenda
The United States Government, Nazi Scientists and
Project Paperclip 1945 to 1990
By Linda Hunt
3
Peenemünde on the Rio Grande
NIGHT had fallen by the time Army Ordnance was ready to launch the missile that stood like a
bullet on the launch pad at White Sands Proving Ground (W.S.P.G), New Mexico. The rocket
was a modified V-2 made from captured German rocket parts shipped from Mittelwerk. It was
the second in a series of rockets fired by General Electric and Army Ordnance in connection
with their Hermes II missile project.1
The launch site was crowded as Army engineers and 118 Paperclip personnel made
last-minute changes to assure a successful flight. As the countdown approached, Ernst Steinhoff
moved to his post one mile south of the site. Another German, Theodor Vowe, was stationed
west of the area. Both were assigned to observe the rocket's trajectory through high powered
telescopes and notify command officers in the block house if the rocket veered off course. The command station could then cut off the fuel to the
rocket's motors and stop its flight .2
The sound was deafening when the rocket lifted off the ground and soared into the evening
sky. "It's a keeper," yelled Herbert Karsch from the bunkhouse. But the rocket began to go
astray, reverse course and head straight south toward El Paso. Steinhoff knew the rocket was
headed in the wrong direction but let it fly. It soared over El Paso, over the Mexican border,
and finally crash-landed about three miles from a heavily populated Juarez business district.
Mexican residents nearby fled in terror as the rocket exploded, leaving a huge crater 50 feet
wide and 24 feet deep as it burrowed into the ground. The next day, red-faced officials in
Washington had to explain to the Mexican government why the United States had launched a
missile attack on their country.3
The controversy over the Juarez incident overshadowed a more serious problem at White
Sands and Fort Bliss Army base in Texas. What happened there is a glaring example of the
military's total lack of control over enemy aliens who were judged to be a threat to the internal
security of the United States. Even though there were allegations of sabotage and evidence of
gross violations of base security, as one intelligence agent bluntly put it, there was absolutely
"no attempt to place them in anything resembling custody." Army officers in charge of the
group maintained little or no surveillance over the Germans' activities either on or off the base.4
Security in the area itself was precarious. White Sands had been the site of rocket and
missile testing for years. It was considered a perfect firing range for rockets, given the relative
isolation of the million-acre base of New Mexico desert range land. During World War II a
northern strip of the area was used as a bombing test range. On another portion, called Trinity
Site, the first atomic bomb exploded on July 16, 1945.5
But White Sands was only forty miles from Mexico and Fort Bliss was near the Mexican
border. Crossing that border, legally or illegally, was as easy then as it is today, and Mexico
Peenemunde on the Rio Grande 43
was a well-known haven for criminal and political refugees. FBI and Army CIC agents viewed
northern Mexico as ripe for a potential unhampered operation of foreign agents or sympathizers.
As one agent observed, "Former Nazi agents, interned during the late War in Mexico, are now
given unlimited freedom within that country. The possibility of northern Mexico being used by
Russian agents as an operating base against the guided missile project [is] felt to be obvious."6
The arrival of Paperclip personnel posed an additional problem. The War Department
already had alerted all bases to step up security because "certain Paperclip personnel returned
to Germany had technical documents in their possession upon arrival in the Theater." For
example, Wright Field specialist Heinz Gartmann left America with turbojet rocket engine
blueprints in his hand luggage. Gartmann claimed that a co-worker had packed the documents
by mistake. But European investigators, who learned that Gartmann was negotiating with a
Russian factory prior to his U.S. departure, reported, "It is believed here that the ... documents
were not taken accidentally. "7
In addition, Army C.I.C counterespionage headquarters warned U.S. officials that Russian
agents were making a concerted effort to obtain information about Paperclip. The mother of
Helmut Groettrup, a German scientist who voluntarily went to Russia to work, was caught
nosing around Landshut housing project in Germany, where families of Paperclip personnel
lived. Thea Groettrup arrived at Landshut with Helmuth Thiele, an engineer known to the Army
CIC as a Russian agent who recruited scientists for the Soviets. Frau Groettrup was trying to
obtain information about the U.S. rocket project and the names of Paperclip scientists who were
being returned to Germany from America.8
The Army also had been warned that the rocket group planned to withhold technical
information from American personnel. The warning was contained in a report by Lieutenant
Walter Jessel, an interrogator assigned to screen the rocket scientists for trustworthiness before
they left Germany in 1945. During the interrogations, Jessel uncovered evidence of a conspiracy among von Braun,
Dornberger, and Dornberger's former chief of staff, Herbert Axster, to withhold information
from U. S. officers. As a result Jessel concluded that to give security clearances to the group
was "an obvious absurdity. "9
In an interview Axster confirmed that they did indeed plot to withhold information to assure
that the group would be sent to the United States. "I realized more and more that they wanted
something from us," Axster said. "And of course that has to be paid for. We had to sell
ourselves as expensively as possible." Once in America, the group's ultimate purpose was to
find a more lucrative sponsor, such as General Electric, and then pull their group out from
under the Army's control.10
Major James Hamill was directly in charge of the Paperclip group at Fort Bliss under
Colonel Toftoy. The "tall, fairheaded" twenty-six-year-old major "looked good," according to
Axster. Hamill was a graduate of Fordham University with a degree in physics. He had been a
member of the regular Army when Colonel Toftoy assigned him to coordinate the entire V-2
mission in Germany. In that position Hamill played a key role in evacuating V-2 rockets from
Mittelwerk tunnels to the United States.11
Some of Hamill's charges had been members of the SS and were considered to be potential
security threats by European investigators. Wernher von Braun, for example, had joined the SS
at the personal behest of SS chief Heinrich Himmler and had risen to the rank of major. And
JIOA officers had even obtained a photograph of another Peenemunde engineer, Anton Beier,
decked out in full SS uniform, complete with skull and crossbones on his SS cap. Beier had
joined the SS the same year Hitler came into power, in 1933, and was also a member of the
Nazi party and two other Nazi organizations. 12
Kurt Debus, who later would be the first director of the Kennedy Space Center at Cape
Canaveral, was another member of the SS, the SA, and two other Nazi groups. In 1942 he
turned a colleague over to the Gestapo for making anti-Hitler statements during an argument
over who had started World War II. As a result the man was tried by a Nazi court and sentenced to two years' imprisonment.
When questioned about the incident at Fort Bliss, Debus claimed that he had defended the
colleague during the trial and that the man's prison sentence had been suspended "mainly due to
my testimony." But the actual trial records tell a far different story. The man was convicted as a
direct result of Debus's derogatory testimony. Furthermore, his prison sentence was suspended
as a result of intervention by his employer, not Debus. Debus also claimed that he was only an
"applicant" in the SS. But Berlin Document Center SS files show that he joined in 1939 and
was assigned SS membership number 426559. Also, his wartime colleagues reported seeing
him in a black SS uniform during the Nazi period. 13
In addition to that evidence, over a dozen of Hamill's charges had worked in the Mittelwerk
V-2 factory using concentration camp inmates as slave labor. Hamill had to know about the
slave labor used there, since he visited the place in 1945. It would have been impossible for
him not to see, or step over, the dead bodies of six thousand Dora prisoners covering the ground
at Nordhausen.14
Wernher von Braun's younger brother Magnus was one of those who worked in that
under ground hell. He was an engineer under Arthur Rudolph in Mittelwerk from 1943 until the
Germans fled the area shortly before American troops arrived. Some German engineers at Fort
Bliss felt he lacked experience and was included in the project only because he rode on the
coattails of his older brother. And Army CIC agents at Fort Bliss believed he was a "dangerous
German Nazi" because of his pro-Hitler views. "His type is a worse threat to security than a
half a dozen discredited SS Generals," one agent remarked.15
All of this controversial information was being kept secret from the American public.
However, Axster's wartime past eventually caught the attention of the press. Axster worked for
Hamill in the Army Ordnance Research and Development Service, Sub-office (Rocket), where
most of the Germans were engaged in planning, design, and drafting blueprints for rockets. "But my main task was as
liaison with the commanding officer," Axster recalled. He was also in charge of a group that
translated German measurements-kilograms, centimeters, and so on-into American
measurements. 16
J.I.O.A Director Wev already had received numerous derogatory reports about Axster and his
wife Ilse. The Axsters' wartime neighbors told a U.S. intelligence agent that they had
mistreated a French prisoner of war and Poles and Ukrainians from the East who worked on
their estates. In one instance Herbert Axster was accused of hitting a Frenchman caught laying
rabbit traps. Villagers said the man was probably hungry, since the Axsters starved the workers
and they frequently begged for food from the townspeople. Another time, when a Polish worker
was seriously injured by a mowing machine, villagers said Axster did not do anything about it
until a neighbor demanded that the man be taken to the hospital.17
"That's all lies," Axster exclaimed when confronted with the charges in 1989. He admitted
that a Ukrainian couple had worked on his estate, but he said there were no Poles. Axster
claimed that the Ukrainians had been offered a "vacation" in the Ukraine. "They said that they
only would go if they were assured they would come back to the same place," he said. "So it
seems to me they can't have been treated so badly." He denied mistreating the French POW and
said the man did not work for him. Axster said he probably scared the man because Axster was
carrying a shotgun while hunting when he saw the Frenchman with a rabbit. "So I shouted at
him," Axster said. "That's all."18
The Axsters' neighbors were terrified of Ilse, whom they described as stalking through town
wearing riding breeches and carrying a whip. This view of Ilse, now deceased, was confirmed
in 1989 by relatives and acquaintances who remembered her as a "Nazi tyrant." In 1947,
villagers said she frequently beat Polish workers with a horsewhip or called the police and
asked them to beat the workers. Ilse was a leader of the NS-Frauenschaft, a women's Nazi
party auxiliary in charge of teaching Nazi propaganda to youth groups. A fellow NS-Frauenschaft member told
U.S. investigators that Ilse was the ideal person to represent "the godless principles in the Nazi
education of children." As might be expected, Ilse hated Allied soldiers, and once, when she
saw a British soldier parachuting to the ground, she told a Wehrmacht officer standing nearby
that she would shoot the man if she only had a gun. 19
The Axsters' neighbors angrily complained to U.S. officers in Germany that the couple
escaped prosecution because of Paperclip. As a result, the story leaked to the press and Rabbi
Stephen Wise at the American Jewish Congress began a vocal campaign to oust the couple
from America. Wise stated his case in the first of many letters to Secretary of War Robert
Patterson, charging that Axster held "responsible positions" with the Wehrmacht and Ilse was a
"major offender" under denazification laws that were supposed to be enforced by the U.S.
military government in Germany. 20 "These scientists and their families are supposed to have
been `screened,' " Wise told Patterson. "The Axsters prove that this `screening' is a farce and
the War Department `screeners' are entirely incapable of performing this task. "21
The rabbi was particularly disturbed that while Paperclip brought hundreds of Nazis to
America, the State Department's obstructive immigration policies kept Jewish survivors of
Nazi concentration camps out of the country. Wise reminded the secretary of war of this point
in his scathing letter:
Red tape, lack of shipping facilities, and every other possible handicap face these
oppressed people while their oppressors are brought to this country with their families
and are favorably housed and supported at our expense. As long as we reward former
servants of Hitler while leaving his victims in D.P. camps, we cannot pretend that we are
making any real effort to achieve the aims we fought for.22
Two weeks later Patterson sent Wise a terse, two-paragraph reply that investigators were
looking into the "alleged Nazi affiliation" of Ilse Axster, and if the charges were proven, "you may be certain that appropriate
remedial action will be taken." Wise's letter was forwarded to the "screeners" in the J.I.O.A, who
brushed it off as Jewish propaganda.23
Despite the charges against him, Axster was the one man whom Hamill chose to trust as the
liaison between Hamill and the Germans. "I was always the one that was in contact with him,"
Axster said. "We were friends." Hamill's idea of insuring an efficient informant system in the
rocket office was to use Axster as his key informant to surreptitiously gain information about
possible security breaches by other Germans in the project. In a gross understatement, Hamill
once remarked that Axster's "enthusiastic compliance with the directives of this office has at
times brought him disfavor from his associates." Most German engineers strongly criticized
von Braun for Axster's inclusion in the project and resented his high salary, since his
experience was confined to military aspects of training troops.24
Not only were Axster and other Paperclip personnel allowed extensive access to classified
information, but Hamill never even required the men to fill out federal governmental forms to
apply for security clearances. In addition, Army Ordnance officers maintained such lax security
over the group that there was no curfew, no checks of the Germans' mail, and little surveillance
of their activities off the base. Three Germans had telephones in their quarters, but none were
monitored, and no attempt was made to determine if any Paperclip personnel made
long-distance telephone calls on local pay phones.25
This brazen laxity was allowed to flourish despite stiff security regulations issued by the
secretary of war designed to curtail the Germans' activities and ensure that the country's
internal security was protected. The regulations ordered Hamill and other officers in charge of
Paperclip personnel to: (1) assure that each specialist would be exposed to "only such classified
information as is necessary to the completion of his assignment"; (2) maintain limited
surveillance over their activities, inspect their mail, make "sufficiently frequent" checks of their whereabouts, and file monthly reports on the results of that surveillance; and (3)
report any attempt at "political proselytizing." Furthermore, neither the specialists nor their dependents were legal residents, thus security regulations emphasized that officers in charge
should assure that no specialists leave the continental United States. And finally, each
specialist was supposed to observe a "Code of Conduct" that required him to obtain
permission to correspond with individuals overseas and forbade his transmitting classified
information, including photographs of equipment.26
But just as soon as the regulations were circulated, Exploitation Branch chief Hagood sent
Hamill a notice that Hamill interpreted as voiding the War Department's requirements.
Hagood told him that, starting four months after the Germans signed contracts, there should
be no further Army surveillance over their activities, even if they left the base on business or
pleasure trips. In addition, Hagood said that more than 50 percent support of an individual
constituted "dependent" status for contract purposes. The large number of so-called
dependents-including mistresses and maids-brought to Fort Bliss as a result of Hagood's
memo were subject to no off-the-post surveillance, even though it was assumed that they had
access to at least some classified information because of their close contact with Paperclip
personnel.27
Hamill's supervision was so arrogantly lax that it did not take long for trouble to surface. A
Fort Bliss businessman reported engineer Hans Lindenmayr to the FBI for using his company's
address as an illegal mail drop. As a result FBI agents intercepted a letter from Lindenmayr's
wife in Germany, who was furious that Lindenmayr had brought his mistress to the United
States posing as his wife, and she threatened to file a complaint with U.S. immigration officials
unless the problem was solved.28
Army C.I.C Captain Paul R. Lutjens, head of branch intelligence at Fort Bliss, was assigned
to investigate the case. In a meeting with Lutjens and Hamill, Lindenmayr admitted that the
claims in the letter were true. He asserted that he had been arrested by SS troops in 1938 and charged with espionage. To avoid a one-year prison sentence
and exile, Lindenmayr claimed, he married the prosecuting attorney's daughter and "lived with
her several months before deserting her for the girl he is now living with. . . ." Despite evidence
that Lindenmayr had helped the woman enter the U.S. illegally, Hamill recommended that he
be retained in the project. Army Ordnance simply revised his contract and penalized him for his
actions by cutting his salary by $2,000. They decided that Lindenmayr would file for a divorce,
and when it cleared, his girlfriend would go to Germany, then turn around and come back as his
wife and legal dependent.29
In addition to Lindenmayr, three other Germans had illegal mail drops in El Paso where they
received money from foreign or unknown sources and coded messages from South America.
One German received $1,000 in cash from Chile. Another specialist not only maintained an
illegal postal box but deposited $953 in his bank account in one month, even though his
monthly salary was only $290. Neither Army C.I.C nor FBI agents knew where that money came
from, and by all appearances, no one cared to know how more than a third of the Paperclip
group suddenly were able to buy expensive cars.30
Other incidents proved that security was a sham. Unsupervised German scientists with no
visas illegally crossed the border into Mexico for a little cheap wine, women, and song. Other
specialists made frequent trips from White Sands to the El Paso home of a German-born
woman who was under FBI investigation and described by her neighbors as being so pro-Hitler
during the war that local residents told her to "shut up or get out" of America.31
Compounding those problems, base security officers began to suspect that the rockets were
being sabotaged, a suspicion that increased sharply after the Juarez incident. In one month,
three out of four rockets fired at W.S.P.G overshot the 90-mile wide base and landed off course
near heavily populated areas in New Mexico and Juarez. One landed four and a half miles south
of Alamogordo, another crashed only two miles from Las Cruces, and the third ended up in Juarez. In addition to unanswered questions about what
caused the erratic flights, five cameras attached to one of the rockets were missing after the
launch and parts from another missile that was launched never were found.32
Lutjens investigated the incidents, but when he began to talk with officers in charge of the
rocket project he encountered turf fights between the Army and Navy, buck passing regarding
the cause of problems, and criticism of the way the entire rocket program was run. None of the
officers blamed the Germans for the problems. Hamill pointed his finger at the contractor for
the Hermes II rocket, General Electric; Lieutenant Colonel Harold Turner, the Army's
commanding officer at WSPG, said erratic flights were caused by "human error" and expressed
little confidence in the officers under his own supervision. "I dare say, they are about the
poorest qualified personnel of any government installation in the country," he told Lutjens.
However, Lieutenant Commander R. B. McLaughlin, the Naval commander at White Sands,
made no secret of the fact that he had no confidence in either Turner or his men. McLaughlin
thought Turner's plan to construct seventy-five observation stations would not yield the desired
result-namely, to enable the men controlling the rockets to know where they were headed in
time to prevent a rocket from going out of control. "They can tell where the rocket is every
second of its flight," McLaughlin scoffed, "but not until three months later."33
When Lutjens finished his investigation he was skeptical, since he felt that the officers could
not be entirely certain that no sabotage had occurred. Most evidence pointed to incompetent
Army personnel and bad V-2 parts. The parts were old, damaged, rusted, and totally worthless
by the time they arrived from Germany. It was apparent that the boats carrying the rocket parts
had leaked during the trip, because the parts were soaked with saltwater when they arrived in
America.34 The Juarez incident was caused by a rocket tilting program, preset to 7 degrees
north, that never operated. The wind was from the south, and the rocket headed into the wind and began traveling in the wrong direction.
Steinhoff did not tell the command station to stop the rocket because he figured it would land
safely north of El Paso.35
Meanwhile, the lax security over Paperclip personnel became so obvious that even visitors
to Fort Bliss complained. One War Department intelligence officer, Colonel Frank Reed, was
shocked that Hamill and other ordnance officers had made no serious checks of the Germans'
loyalty. Reed's concern about security was heightened because he had just returned from
visiting Saint Louis, France, where a comparable group of German rocket engineers worked for
the French government. While there, the French commandant told Reed he suspected the
Germans under French control were receiving orders from Germany and working toward a
reemergence of the Third Reich.36
All of a sudden, word came down that Wernher von Braun had been caught sending a map
overseas to General Dornberger and concealing information from U.S. officials. It was an
incident disturbingly similar to the plot that Walter Jessel had warned intelligence officers of in
1945. American officers in Europe were trying to locate V-2 rocket diagrams they believed
were still hidden in Germany. When asked about the documents, von Braun told the Army he
knew nothing about their location. Dornberger later told von Braun's brother that Army officers
didn't trust von Braun and that officers had even told him that von Braun had lied to them. Von
Braun then sent a map to his family in Europe showing the location of a burial place where
sketches stuffed in a cigarette box were hidden. He told them to deliver the map to Dornberger's
wife, since the general still was being held in a British POW camp. The way this scheme was
supposed to work, the documents then would be located and given to German scientists, who
would turn them over to von Braun when they arrived in the United States under Paperclip.37
U.S. officers reported that von Braun "apparently intended to use the location of certain
hidden documents as a bargaining lever with U.S. officials."38
This plot was abruptly halted when Army officers confiscated the map from Dornberger's
wife. Then the officers finagled Dornberger's release from the British and flew to Germany to
look for the missing documents in a forest. Under Dornberger's direction, the officers wandered
around the woods for days, digging up tree stumps that yielded nothing. The sketches
eventually were found lying in the woods, practically worthless from rain and rot.39
Despite mounting security problems at Fort Bliss, investigator Lutjens's hands were tied.
Even though the Intelligence Division in Washington was aware of the security breaches and
had received copies of Lutjens's reports, the War Department had ruled the Paperclip group
exempt from Army C.I.C control. All Lutjens was allowed to do was investigate suspicious
incidents and turn over the information to his superiors. Army Ordnance had blocked C.I.C
efforts to do anything about illegal activities that were uncovered.40
The FBI fared no better. When FBI agents reported a suspicious incident involving Magnus
von Braun, the Army proceeded to squelch the investigation. FBI agents had learned that
Magnus von Braun sold a bar of platinum to a local El Paso jeweler. It is still not known where
he obtained the platinum bar, but when FBI agents reported the incident to justice Department
officials in Washington they were told to drop the case. The Army ordered that "action not be
taken for security reasons and possible adverse publicity which might affect the long range
objectives of the project on which the group of Germans was employed. "41
Meanwhile, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover had a pile of FBI reports sitting on his desk. One
was by a General Electric manager whose employees at W.S.P.G had fired rockets during various
tests. The manager, A. K. Bushman, told an FBI agent that he thought the Army's lax security
at White Sands bordered on "criminal neglect." Then Bushman ripped into Paperclip with a
scathing critique of the Army's lax surveillance over the specialists. He was particularly upset
that the Germans were allowed access to classified information about new discoveries,
including a rocket fuel developed by GE's missile project in Malta, New York. Bushman told the FBI that the way the Army ran the project
threatened the internal security of the United States, since around 350 of the Germans' former
colleagues were working for the Russians and Bushman thought it reasonable to assume that
friendships between members of those two groups continued.42
Hoover immediately sent a stinging two-page memo to Director of Intelligence Chamberlin.
In minute detail, Hoover criticized the Army's loose security, summarized Bushman's report,
and told Chamberlin that "if his information indicating a lack of restriction on the part of the
movements of German scientists in the U.S. is, in fact, true, technical data made available to
them concerning U. S. improvements of rockets and guided missiles ... could very easily find
its way back to Russian scientists."43
Once Chamberlin received Hoover's hand-delivered critique there was an instant flurry of
activity in the Intelligence Division of the War Department. Chamberlin ordered the Exploitation
Branch to investigate whether security had been breached at Fort Bliss.44
By then Lieutenant Colonel Montie Cone had replaced Hagood as chief of G-2's
Exploitation Branch. Cone was a veteran Army intelligence officer who had been commanding
officer at Fort Hunt in 1945 when Nazi spy chief Reinhard Gehlen was interrogated there. Cone
would represent Chamberlin on the J.I.O.A Governing Committee and help supervise Paperclip
for over a decade.
Cone and Major Lyman White of the Special Investigations unit set out for Texas with a list
of twenty-six items to investigate, everything from Wise's complaint against the Axsters to
Jessel's conspiracy report. What they found was a group of Germans that Hamill allowed to run
loose. White discovered that ordnance deliberately avoided surveillance over Paperclip
personnel both on and off the base. The Germans were allowed to make unsupervised trips out
of town and had to report to Army installations only when they arrived at their destinations.45
Their mail had only been spot-censored. Lists of their overseas correspondents showed none with addresses in Russia or its satellite nations, but no one
had checked the names against G-2 files. A name check was crucial, since evidence showed
that the Soviets used phony addresses to hide the location of Germans who worked in the USSR.
For example, the CIA had sent President Truman information that the Soviets used an address
in the U.S. zone of Germany as a cover for letters mailed by German scientists working in the
USSR.46
During White's conversations with Hamill it became obvious that Hamill knew absolutely
nothing about the Germans' off-base activities. Neither did Toftoy, who said that while he had
no reason to believe that any of the scientists were engaged in illicit activities, his estimate was
"based solely on their conduct at the installation." He did not have the slightest idea of what
their activities were off the post. Furthermore, while Army C.I.C agents, the FBI, and G-2
considered some Germans at the base to be "under suspicion of being potential security risks,"
neither Hamill nor Toftoy was able to list accurately those individuals who should be watched
or denied access to sensitive material. This was illustrated perfectly in the case of Axster,
whom Hamill had chosen as his informant to insure ordnance's security .47
These were extremely important admissions. Hamill had filed Sponsoring Agency Security
Reports with the J.I.O.A on each German, attesting that there was no evidence that the individual
had breached security at Fort Bliss. The reports were supposed to include the results of
surveillance and interrogations of Germans on the base. In fact, there was little or no
surveillance, and Hamill had no idea what the Germans' activities were out of the rocket office.
The reports were important because J.I.O.A officers submitted them and several other forms to
the State and Justice Departments as evidence that the Germans were qualified for legal U.S.
immigration. In addition, the J.I.O.A used those reports repeatedly to discredit Paperclip
detractors and excuse evidence of ardent Nazism on the grounds that the Germans had done
nothing to indicate that they were security threats since their arrival in America.48 Cone and
White finished their investigation and returned to Washington. Most of their suggestions to improve security were identical to the War
Department's original regulations. In their final report they advised Major Hamill to curtail trips,
censor mail, maintain lists of correspondents, forbid use of postal boxes, and monitor the
Germans' telephone calls. They also suggested that restrictions on Lutjens's C.I.C unit should be
lifted to allow the C.I.C more authority over Paperclip personnel and stop illegal activities
uncovered by C.I.C investigations.49
Since Rabbi Wise's complaints about the Axsters had resulted in derogatory news stories,
White was most concerned about controlling negative publicity, which he feared would shut
Paperclip down. "While critical comment must be evaluated in the light of the natural Jewish
bias against anything Nazi, it is, however a matter to be watched, and, if possible, counteracted
lest it lead to official restrictive action against the project as a whole," White noted in his report.
He felt that the press should be restrained before someone discovered the dubious backgrounds
of other Germans at Fort Bliss. To solve the problem, an Army public relations officer was
assigned to control the press and assure that it published "human interest" stories to take the
focus away from controversial topics.50
In their report Cone and White suggested that officers in Europe "make a more thorough
background investigation of all Paperclip personnel under Army jurisdiction." Cone noted,
however, that Wernher von Braun was to be "fully justified" for legal immigration irrespective
of his Nazi past."
next
4 A Hell Called Dora(s41)
CHAPTER 3: PEENEMüNDE ON THE RIO GRANDE
1. Army Ordnance Department, Fort Bliss Rocket Project, "Report on Hermes Missile Project," RG 156,
WNRC.
2. Captain Paul R. Lutjens, "Memorandum for the AC of S G-2, Intelligence Summary," 6 June 1947, G-2
Paperclip "Top Secret" files, RG 319, WNRC.
3. Ibid.; and Captain Paul R. Lutjens, "Memorandum for the AC of S G-2, Intelligence Summary," 20 June
1947, G-2 Paperclip "Top Secret" files, RG 319, WNRC.
Notes 279
4. Major Lyman G. White, "Paperclip Project, Ft. Bliss, Texas and Adjacent Areas," MID 918.3, 26
November 1947, G-2 Paperclip files, RG 319, WNRC.
5. White Sands Missile Range (Riverside, Calif.: Armed Services Press, 1987).
6. White, "Paperclip Project."
7. "Certain Paperclip personnel" quote is in Colonel R. F. Ennis to Commanding General, 17 April 1947,
JIOA 1331, ID 400.112 Research, RG 330, NARS. On Gartmann, descriptions of documents, and "not taken
accidentally" quote see "Secret" memo, Captain John P. Roth, EUCOM, to Chief, Technical Intelligence Section,
AC of S, 8 April 1947; Lieutenant Colonel M. C. Taylor to Director of Intelligence, 14 April 1947; and Colonel R.
F. Ennis to AAF Commanding General, 5 May 1947-a11 in G-2 Paperclip "Top Secret" files, RG 319, WNRC.
8. Information on Goethrup and Thiele is in the INSCOM dossier on "Operation MESA."
9. Lieutenant Walter Jessel, "Evidence of a Conspiracy Among Leading German `Overcast' Personnel," 12
June 1945, OMGUS/FIAT, RG 260, WNRC.
10. Ibid.; Axster interview.
11. Axster interview. Hamill bio: in James McGovern, Crossbow and Overcast (New York: William Morrow,
1964).
12. Von Braun's SS membership: in Berlin Document Center reports and JIOA memo 691, 3 March 1947, in
the Wernher von Braun INSCOM dossier. See also Wernher von Braun's FBI dossier. Von Braun's JIOA dossier is
"missing" from the RG 330 files at the NARS. Anton Beier's SS records are noted in the Berlin Document Center
report in Beier's JIOA dossier, RG 330, NARS.
13. For Debus's actions against a colleague see the Office of the Public Prosecutor case against Richard
Craemer, Gestapo Headquarters, Berlin, in the Debus JIOA dossier, RG 330, NARS. Debus's SS membership
records and witnesses who saw him in an SS uniform: in the Debus JIOA dossier and IRR dossier XE034033, RG
319, NARS.
14. Hamill's visit to Nordhausen is from McGovern, Crossbow and Overcast.
15. Army CIC cards with comments and a 27 May 1953 agent report are in Magnus von Braun INSCOM
dossier C3001437. Von Braun Mittelwerk dates are from the Magnus von Braun interrogation, Andrae trial records.
16. Axster interview.
17. OMGUS Public Safety Branch, Investigation Section, "The Axster Couple," 25 March 1948; and OMGUS
Public Safety Branch, Investigation
280 Notes
Section, "Sworn Statements," esp. those of Konrad Mommsen (18 December 1946 and 5 February 1948) and
Gerhard Weise (undated but certified by Captain James Steward)-all in Herbert Axster's JIOA dossier, RG 330,
NARS.
18. Axster interview.
19. OMGUS Public Safety Branch reports on Ilse Axster are in the Herbert Axster JIOA dossier, RG 330,
NARS.
20. Stephen S. Wise to Secretary of War Robert Patterson, 14 April 1947, G-2 Paperclip files, RG 319,
WNRC.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid.
23. Secretary of War Robert Patterson to Stephen S. Wise, 8 May 1947, G-2 Paperclip files, RG 319,
WNRC.
24. White, "Paperclip Project"; Herbert Axster JIOA dossier, RG 330, NARS; and Axster interview.
25. White, "Paperclip Project."
26. War Department, "Security Regulations for Project Paperclip," 28 August 1946, and "Code of
Conduct," 12 April 1947, both in JIOA administrative files, RG 330, NARS.
27. White, "Paperclip Project."
28. Captain Paul R. Lutjens, "Memorandum for the AC of S, G-2, Intelligence Summary," 12 June 1947;
and A. Lindenmayr letter, "Subject: Members of the German Scientists in the United States," April 1947, trans.
Army CIC Agent George Ries-both in G-2 Paperclip "Top Secret" files, RG 319, WNRC.
29. Ibid.; Captain Paul R. Lutjens, "Memorandum to the AC of S, G-2," 24 July 1947, and "Memorandum
for the Officer in Charge," 6 November 1947, in G-2 Paperclip "Top Secret" files, RG 319, WNRC.
30. Lutjens, "Memorandum," 6 November 1947.
31. Captain Paul R. Lutjens, "Memorandum for the AC of S, G-2, Intelligence Summary," 14 April and 6
June 1947, G-2 Paperclip "Top Secret" files, RG 319, WNRC.
32. Lutjens, "Memorandum," 20 June 1947.
33. Lutjens, "Memorandum," June 6 and 20, 1947. 34. Ibid.
35. Army Ordnance Department, "Hermes Missile Project."
36. Colonel Frank Reed to Colonel Clark, 24 January 1947, G-2 Paperclip files, RG 319, WNRC.
37. On von Braun's instructions to deliver a map to Dornberger's wife see cable S-5249, EUCOM General
Clarence Heubner to AGWAR for General Chamberlin, 29 May 1947, in JIOA administrative files, RG 330,
NARS. On the plot to bring documents to von Braun in the United States see
Notes 281
"Security Information," GID 73-0321, 1 July 1953, in the Wernher von Braun INSCOM dossier. On the Army's
reaction to von Braun's denial of knowledge about documents: "Security Information," GID 73-0321, and
Dornberger's letter in the Walter Dornberger G-2 dossier, RG 319, WNRC.
38. On the use of documents as a "bargaining lever" see Transmittal Slip, 66th CIC Group Headquarters,
July 1953, in the Wernher von Braun INSCOM dossier.
39. The search for documents in Germany is described in Dornberger's letter in the Walter Dornberger G-2
dossier, RG 319, WNRC.
40. White, "Paperclip Project."
41. Extract of data is from FBI files as forwarded to the JIOA by A. Devitt Vanech, special assistant to the
attorney general, on 21 February 1947, in FBI Extracts, Magnus von Braun's JIOA dossier, RG 330, NARS.
42. J. Edgar Hoover to Director of Intelligence, WDGS, 13 September 1947, G-2 Paperclip files, RG 319,
WNRC.
43. Ibid.
44. Lieutenant Colonel Montie F. Cone, "Report," n.d., G-2 Paperclip files, RG 319, WNRC.
45. White, "Paperclip Project."
46. CIA, "German Scientists at Sukhumi, USSR," report to President Harry S. Truman, 31 October 1949,
HST.
47. White, "Paperclip Project."
48. See examples of Sponsoring Agency Security Reports in individual dossiers.
49. Cone, "Report."
50. White, "Paperclip Project." 51. Cone, "Report."
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