THE GREAT DECEIT
SOCIAL PSEUDO-SCIENCES
A Veritas Foundation Staff Study
INTRODUCTION
SOCIAL PSEUDO-SCIENCES
A Veritas Foundation Staff Study
INTRODUCTION
By ARCHIBALD B. ROOSEVELT
June 12th, 1964
This book by the staff of Veritas Foundation shows that the
greatest danger to the Free World today is creeping socialism, and
not only its Communist counterpart. For the blatant brutality of
Communism is better understood by the American people, and
hence regarded with well-informed hatred.
Fabian socialists have managed to maintain an aura of respectability
with the wealthy and the "book-educated." These revolutionary
wolves masquerade in sheep's clothing as gentle reformers.
Although the socialists claim that they are innovators, Veritas
proves that they are really reactionaries, who wish to tum society
backward to despots like Napoleon, Louis XIV (l'etat c'est moi-a
typical socialist attitude), feudalism Charlemagne, or primitive tribal
chiefs.
Many leading socialists foresee with complacency the necessity
of killing their opponents, once they have seized power. Bernard
Shaw and Stuart Chase have baldly stated so. This explains socialist
tolerance of the multi-million Communist murders.
The regimes of the German National Socialists under the Nazis,
the Italian Corporate Socialists under the Fascists, the Argentine
dictatorship under Peron, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
under the Russian Bolsheviks, have all been socialist governments.
In the United States, with the help of our great American news
media, both on the air and in the press, Fabians cleverly disclaim
their close kinship with these tyrannies, so that Mussolini and Hitler
are never called socialists here, though their regimes bore that name.
Hitler and Mussolini became competitors with the Fabian socialists and Russian communists in the struggle for control of the Western
world. But their quarrels were chiefly tactical.
Fabian socialists have at times publicly repudiated the Russian
socialist-communists, but they are always willing to work closely
with them whenever the need arises. You will find communists and
Fabian socialists acting as one against free men and free governments,
just as competing gangs will join hands against the law and
its enforcement officers.
Russian communists, Hitler's nazis, Mussolini's fascists
and the Peronistas simply carried out what many Fabian socialists
recommended-namely, bloody violence to set up and preserve a
centralized socialist dictatorship.
Socialists have infiltrated our colleges, our schools, our law
courts, our government, our media of communication and our
churches. They have done so by the old Fabian method of infiltration,-wolves
in sheep's clothing.
This book is completely documented. Should you doubt any
of the statements in this opening summary and introduction, we
suggest you look at our careful index and check the references, both
in the text and in the footnotes.
The documentation is of several sorts: diaries and private
correspondence, generally posthumously published; certain types of
socialist trade journals, written to instruct and direct budding
socialists-magazines such as Science and Society, The Partisan
Review and The Socialist Quarterly; also what may be called "textbooks"
written for socialists, which the ordinary reader would not
bother to read and would not understand unless thoroughly familiar
with socialist dialectics. Such a book is The History of Trade
Unionism, written by Sidney and Beatrice Webb, and publicly
acknowledged by Lenin as being a great "textbook" for socialistic
communism.
There is also a wholly different type of publication written for
the average man. In this the sheep-clothed wolves pose as reformers
and claim they will give more power to the people and make them
freer by curbing the evils of capitalistic civilization. They neglect
to say that their cure consists of a self-perpetuating tyranny operated,
by them.
Our documentation necessarily includes specific names and
actions.
The socialists have always realized the importance of capturing
the impressionable mind of youth, and they set about gaining
control of the teaching profession in the United States over a
century ago.
The emperor Caligula is said to have wished that the Roman
people had only one neck, which he could sever at a single stroke.
This sentiment was also ascribed to several of his bloodthirsty successors,
and the socialists applied it to education. They wanted one
overall category into which all subjects could be bundled. About
1825 Saint Simon-the father of modern socialism-accomplished
this end by calling his teachings "social sciences", and since that
time the socialists have been wrapping together all the arts and
sciences until today anthropology, sociology, history, geography,
economics and jurisprudence are all grouped under the heading of
"social sciences". Then by clever semantic inventions they "prove"
in all these subjects that socialism is, has been, and always will be
the inevitable answer to all the problems of the world. Their pseudoscientific
"proofs" of this evident fallacy are of the same value as
the mouthings of an African witch-doctor, and are in truth the emotional
outpourings of a debased religion. But by their insidious
corruption of the academic world they succeeded in imposing their
dogma on two generations of teachers and students.
Nowhere did the socialists' perversion of the colleges serve them
better than in the field of anthropology.
American socialists picked this subject as a number one objective
in the United States some years after the Civil War and they
have been successfully exploiting it ever since. Like most observers
of American life from the beginning of the republic, the socialists
considered Negroes the greatest single American problem. They
knew long before Dr. Toynbee so clearly stated it that man, for all
his progress in other fields, has never found a permanent racial solution.
So the socialists set about using it (as they do all our problems)
to stir up trouble.
They adopted for popular consumption the emotionally attractive
slogan of racial non-difference, and introduced it to the professors,
who in tum taught it to their students. They had no compunction
about discarding all the painstaking researches and fact findings of centuries, culminating in those of Hooton, Carleton Coon,
and others.
Race, say the socialists in public, is nothing but an outside
"paint job". Then they exacerbate racial difficulties by urging students
to make inflammatory speeches and to incite riots. They
frighten officials into condoning civil disorder and chaos. This is the
pattern of violence which in Germany, Italy and Russia paved the
way for the socialist seizure of power.
While popularly proclaiming the identicalness of races, socialists
in their trade journals and textbooks and in their personal
diaries and private correspondence tell a wholly different story.
Marx, Engels, Laski, Bertrand Russell, Shaw and the Webbs in private
constantly emphasized the physical and mental differences between
races, and particularly the assumed inferior qualities of
Negroes and Jews.
They use the riots which they have stirred up in the name of
racial equality as a lever to persuade legislators to pass more and
more stringent measures, while the socialistic Warren Supreme Court
pours out a constant stream. of revolutionary decisions, none of them
justified by the Constitution, and all aimed at establishing a centralized
dictatorship by judicial fiat.
Socialists preach that there are no permanent standards of
conduct or morality. The ethics of the Ten Commandments and
the Sermon on the Mount are transitory, and may be changed by
majority vote of the masses at any time. Of course, there is a secret
reservation here: socialism is an eternal truth, and the masses must
vote as their socialist masters dictate.
Socialists assert that all human actions and reactions depend
upon environment. The theory is that human beings are mere robots,
responding only to "external stimuli", and that heredity and the
accumulated experience of countless centuries, should be disregarded.
This is part of what socialists call the "pragmatic approach".
If pragmatism means practical experience, it surely must be
taken into account. Certainly in the United States the Negroes
seem to have proved pragmatically that there is a considerable
difference between races even when they live in the same environment.
Conversely, the dismal contrast between conditions in East
and West Germany prove conclusively the devastating effect of a socialist-communist environment as compared with free enterprise
on a people of the same heredity and culture. Unfortunately, to
learn anthropology pragmatically may involve untold human misery.
The ensuing survey indicates that the first step in solving the
race problem is careful and unprejudiced study, without suppression
of facts, or any attempt to twist them to prove a preconceived political
theory.
The socialists early realized that they must change the teaching
of history. History if accurately and factually narrated has a nasty
way of exposing the evils of tyranny and its inevitable downfall; and
socialism is a form of tyranny. The story of the decline and fall of
the Athenian and Roman republics, truthfully told, had unpleasant
analogies to the schemes of modem demagogues. The factual lessons
of history had to be hidden under a fog of socialist mythology.
Baldly stated, Saint Simon, Fourier and Marx-the main originators
of socialism-simply tried to "set the hands of the clock
backward" to the Middle Ages. Then everyone had his position
fixed from birth in a highly stratified society, run by a hierarchy of
guilds, nobility and clergy. Artisans were sons of artisans and remained
artisans for life. The peasant remained a peasant and was
bound to the land. Socialism adopted this medieval concept and
changed its name from "feudalism" to "economic determinism" and
"historical materialism." While they wished to restore the feudal
caste system, they knew this was an unsuitable banner for their
pseudo-progressive movement.
Though their extremist reactionary program would make individual
liberty (personified in the United States Constitution) its
first victim, they were too clever to make an open onslaught on this
cherished principle. Instead they chose "capitalism" as their whipping-boy.
Actually, it was the enormous energy generated by the
release of individual initiative and invention that inspired our capitalistic
economy to the miracles of production that made our American
way of life the marvel of the whole world. Freedom worked
the same miracles for Greece in the realm of ideas.
To rewrite history in their image, socialists in the United States
started as usual by infiltrating the college history departments.
German socialism got a chilly reception, but English Fabian
socialism scored heavily at Harvard, where the professors (as well
as the Boston Brahmins) were Anglophile. The ultimate choice of Harvard as their focal point of infection proved almost as fruitful
in history as in economics. Their economic maneuvers are omitted
from the present survey, because they are described fully in Keynes
at Harvard (Veritas Foundation 1960). Perverted history, re-christened
a "social science", soon spread from Harvard class-rooms to
the teaching staffs of other American colleges and schools. Charles
A. Beard was a leader in this dirty work. His falsification of Madison's
writings in The Federalist is typical of socialist "science". Recently,
Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. carried on and amplified this
tradition of distortion in his "histones", and was rewarded with a
White House post by President Kennedy, who was himself a graduate
of the Fabian socialist London School of Economics.
The socialized "science" of history is slanted to prove that
socialism is inevitable. The days of individual initiative (which they
grudgingly admit had some success when our country was "undeveloped")
are gone forever in our "mature economy". The sum
of human productive efforts is like a pie of fixed dimensions. All
that we can do now is to redistribute the pie by slicing it differently,
in accordance with a planned socialist centralized tyranny.
Individualists believe that the pie can be steadily enlarged, so
that every one can enjoy a bigger slice. Free men will continue to
find profitable new ideas, after reaching the last land frontier.
Socialists are masters at inventing names to camouflage their
objectives, and to Saint-Simon and his collaborator Auguste Comte
goes the honor of inventing "sociology". Even among socialists its
definition is not altogether clear. Sometimes socialists refer to
sociology as social science and vice versa. They use it also to embrace
all "social sciences." These deal with "human group living". You
can see its impact in nearly every school today, in the frequent reports
on the child's "group cooperation".
Milton's analogy of "presbyter" and "priest" applies aptly here.
"New sociologist is but old socialist writ large."
Sociology is the pseudo-science used to pound into the minds
of men that they are not individuals. They are only members of
an economic class, or a group suffering from some sort of prejudice.
As individuals, they are powerless to do anything about it. They
have no personality and are simply a faceless crowd. They are helpless
products of society and only the all-powerful socialist state can
solve their problems.
In socialistic dialectics independent thinkers are "deviates" or
"queers", and John Dewey says that only people who are entirely
dependent on socialist leaders are "normal".
After capturing the teaching field, the socialists set about writing
textbooks for the country. The socialist Richard T. Ely was
made head of the Macmillan "social science" textbook operation and
gradually most of the textbook publishers were compelled, if they
wished to remain solvent, to tum out socialized textbooks because
socialistic teachers required them,
The concept of collective guilt is part of the socialist theory that
only groups, not individuals, are worthy of consideration.
They used this theory to great advantage when President Kennedy
was assassinated. Almost before Oswald fired his third shot,
the socialists and their liberal stooges accused the conservatives in
Dallas of the crime.
The lucky capture of the assassin quickly disclosed that he was
a communist. But this fact, being prejudicial to their cause, had
little effect on the extremist propaganda. Chief Justice Warren
joined the chorus, and was rewarded with appointment as head of
the Presidential commission of investigation, perhaps the most inappropriate
choice from every point of view ever made by an
American president. Foreign communists and their sympathizers
are still peddling the line of conservative guilt. But it was too
absurd for the American people to swallow. Logically, if the theory
of "collective guilt" were ever valid, it should apply to the communists
in this case, because the assassination of enemy leaders is a
recognized technique of theirs. But with their customary hypocrisy
in changing their theories to suit their objectives, the "liberals"
here now asservate that Oswald was alone responsible,-and was
crazy, besides. To anyone who heard the re-broadcast of Oswald's
cool and crafty radio performance as Castro's defender in New
Orleans on August 22, 1963, the notion that he was "crazy" seems
silly, - unless you consider all communists crazy. The Warren
commission has labored mightily for many months, but will probably
bring forth a belated and unconvincing mouse.
The last "science" which the socialists bastardized, and. the
one most fundamental to their capture of our Government, was the
law. They used the same strategy as in the other social pseudo sciences, and chose the law schools as their main breeding places,
starting with Harvard.
Three men master-minded the operation: Harold J. Laski,
Morris Cohen and Felix Frankfurter.
Frankfurter maneuvered the appointment of Roscoe Pound to
the Harvard Law School, of which he became Dean in 1912. Roscoe
Pound was pompous and impressive, and made an eminently respectable
appearance. As Frankfurter admits in his autobiography,
he was an excellent "Trojan Horse."
Under Pound, Harvard began to teach the "socialization of the
law", Pound's own words. Legal precedents and the old rights of
individuals must give way to "social engineering" - a term later
popularized by the Swedish socialist Gunnar Myrdal, whose propagandist
book The American Dilemma was the chief authority cited
by the socialized Supreme Court in its revolutionary school desegregation
decision in 1954.
Harvard Law School indoctrinated its students, many of whom
in tum became proselytizing professors, with the theory that the law
is a "social study." They called it "sociological jurisprudence".
Bluntly, it was socialized law. These professors taught men who are
now Supreme Court Justices.
According to this new "social science" now administered by the
Supreme Court instead of our former law, decisions are based not
on precedent, but on their effect on promoting the kind of society
which the socialized Supreme Court thinks best for us. This is substantially
the same as the legal system openly avowed by the Soviet
slave drivers.
Most important, communications media - newspapers, magazines,
radio and television - are dominated by socialistic thinking,
and naturally praise each new step of the Court toward collectivism.
Intoxicated by this applause, encouraged by the Federal executive
department, and emboldened by the hitherto supine acceptance of its
usurpations of authority by Congress, the Court has steadily increased
the tempo of its lawless march to the left. Scarcely a Monday
goes by in the nine months when the Court sits, without at
least one revolutionary decision, and these illegal amendments to
the Constitution are immediately hailed by friendly publicists as
"the law of the land".
The Court has outlawed God from the public schools, has ordered
local school districts to levy taxes, and has radically changed
the method of election of practically all State legislators by imposing
an arbitrary "one man, one vote" requirement in both upper
and lower houses. It has gravely handicapped the prosecution
and punishment of criminals of all sorts, including particularly those
charged with subversive activities.
On Monday, June 22, 1964, the last day of the 1963-1964 session, the Court amended the Constitution twice: first, it annulled
an Act of Congress, barring known Communists from foreign travel;
second, it extended its ban on the questioning of suspects by State
authorities, with the evident ultimate objective of barring all admissions
thus obtained, whether made voluntarily or not. On the
same day, it reinforced its earlier unprecedented decisions protecting
books from State obscenity laws (one case absolved Tropic of
Cancer); and summarily held unconstitutional the legislative apportionment
statutes of nine states.
As might be expected, all the amendments enacted in this
extra-legal way have favored socialized law, and have tended to
destroy the power of the States and to create a centralized tyranny
of the executive and the judiciary in Washington. The Court has
also invalidated Acts of Congress which conflicted with its novel
constitutional notions.
Most of the enormous inroads upon the American system of
government made by the counterfeit "social sciences," hereinafter
more fully described, have been camouflaged by wolves in sheep's
clothing. This metaphor is graphically depicted in the British
Fabian Society's "coat-of-arms" shown on the Fabian Window of
Beatrice Webb House, which Bernard Shaw donated in 1910. A
sketch of this is the frontispiece of The Great Deceit. The old
fable has great pertinence to our country's present plight. The
wolves unmasked are less to be feared, no matter how much they
snarl and show their teeth.
I
SOCIALIST-COMMUNIST
BROTHERHOOD
We are living in a most perplexing period of human history.
Moral, legal and social attitudes seem to have undergone a drastic
change. Human values that have developed over thousands of
years, have been discarded or drastically altered. Attitudes as to
what is right or wrong have become uncertain.
Individual thrift and storing up for the future have been converted
from fine virtues into social evils.1 Individual initiative and
personal ability are labelled as anti-social acts. The building up
of private enterprise is pictured as exploitation and economic piracy.2 The term "profit makers" is used as a political term of opprobrium.
1.Prof. Alvin H. Hansen of Harvard, A Guide to Keynes, McGraw Hill, N. Y.,
1953, p. 181.
Hansen here complains that "a little nest egg for savings whets the appetite
for more." "The individuals who save seem to be rather rare birds, just the kind of people
whose appetite for saving would grow as their stock pile of liquid assets increased."
2 Alfred McClung Lee, editor, Principles of Sociology, Barnes & Noble, College
Outline Series, N. Y., 1959. .
This standard college text book used in most colleges declares ". . that 'white
collar criminality,' carried on under the mores of acceptable business practice, constitutes
a segment of criminal conduct which has been largely neglected in sociological
studies of crime and criminals.", p. 37.
H. A. Overstreet, The Mature Mind, W. W. Norton, N. Y., 1949. Under the guise
of "social science" Mr. Overstreet (a socialist for more than 40 years) writes: "Most
of the subtler forms of stealing ... for example; through financial manipulations of the
market; ... have been given other names than stealing and have been largely ignored."
"... literal interpretation of these moral commands (i.e., Ten Commandments, ed.)
have failed to reach the full-scale immoralities that are part of the going concern we
call civilization:
Thou shalt not covet, but tradition
Approves all forms of competition. p. 97
Those showing extraordinary ability and genius are labelled as
"social deviants" and are looked upon with suspicion because they
do not fit into the herd-like classification which nowadays is called
the "norm".3
On November 2, 1959 the whole nation was stunned by the
confession of Charles Van Doren, Assistant Professor of English at
Columbia University, that his winning of $129,000 on the N.B.C.
Quiz Show Twenty-One was rigged. He also admitted that he had
falsely denied his misconduct under oath.4
The curious significance of this act went beyond the fact that
a professor of a top American university lent himself to such a
nation-wide fraud, and then perjured himself. The entire nation was
inundated, as if by a pre-arranged signal, with a massive propaganda
trying to minimize Van Doren's offense. Since unlike Alger Hiss he
confessed his guilt, leftist apologists had to fall back upon the common
cliche of the "social sciences" by blaming his crime on society
in general, thereby watering down Van Doren's individual guilt, just
as they are accustomed to do in the case of the most atrocious crimes.
This campaign was successful to a considerable extent in quieting
public indignation, an indication of a deteriorating public sense
of morality and ethics.
Why was this nation-wide campaign waged to water down the
guilt of an obscure professor of English? The answer is that Van
Doren is a member of a well-known literary family, of left-wing inclinations.
The Van Dorens are deeply involved in the field of
writing and publishing thereby reaching millions of Americans.
3"'Almost everywhere, and especially in the subjective fields of imaginative
writing, religion, and music, gifted "insanity" gains the victory over simple, healthy
talent.'
"Studies of inventors, political and business leaders, scientists, artists, and criminals
come to similar conclusions." Ref: Alfred McClung Lee op. cit. (Professor of Sociology
and Anthropology, Brooklyn College) Principles of Sociology, article "Socialization of
the Individual" subtitle "Deviants", p. 328.
Chapter I of this work opens up with the mention of "deviates" as being persons
guilty of sexual aberrations, p. 9. The final chapter groups leaders, inventors and
scientists as being an obstacle in the process to the "socialization of the individual",
having already associated them with the smear words "deviate" or "deviant". This, it
must be remembered, is taught to thousands of students in institutions of higher learning,
from coast to coast.
4 Charles Van Doren was arrested October 17, 1961 on a charge "that he committed perjury by denying to a Grand Jury that he had received questions and
answers in advance of his Television appearances." World Almanac 1960, pp. 40,
122.123. World Almanac 1961, pp. 149, 157, 190, 214.
Mark Van Doren, the father of Charles, has a long history of socialist activity and communist front affinity.5 For years Mark Van Doren
has actively engaged in movements which have been denouncing the
system of private enterprise as guilty of cheating, lying and being
immoral.
The children of these "progressives" have been raised upon a
diet of unfettered self expression, according to John Dewey's precepts.
Not only their own children but the children of millions of
Americans have been subjected to these "progressive" innovations.
American cities, by and large, have been infected by juvenile delinquency
which coincides with the growth of "progressive" education.
The socialistic innovators of the progressive system, however, did
not anticipate that the ravages of this method would reach their
own offspring. In the case of Charles Van Doren the chickens seem
to have come home to roost.
This is not the first time that an organized public furor was
created as a smoke-screen to confuse the issue when prominent individual
members of the clique known as the Establishment have been
involved in some outstanding scandal.
The socialist cyst
On November 11, 1962, Alger Hiss, the accused Soviet spy and
convicted perjurer, highlighted a nationwide television program entitled
"The Political Obituary of Richard M. Nixon".6 Although
public reaction was loud and prompt in protesting this display of
left-wing revenge against Nixon, a deeper significance lies behind
the act.
5.Mark Van Doren has an extensive record of activity in communist fronts. Belonging
with him to the first front cited below were such persons as Sherwood Anderson,
Roger Baldwin. Franz Boas, John Dewey, Charles E. Merriam, Hendrik W. Van Loon,
and E. R. A. Seligman. These were all socialists of the Fabian type, and the organizations
in question actually were socialist. communist fronts.
Among the communist fronts Mark Van Doren joined the American Society
for Cultural Relations with Russia. (cited as communist. 1948, by a Congressional
committee); called for the support of the National Student League (Daily Worker,
Sept. 28, 1932, p, 2) which was cited as B "front organization of the Communist
Party" by U. S. Attorney General Francis A. Biddle, May 28, 1942; and was active on behalf of the Schappes Defense Committee. This committee was set up to defend an admitted communist fired from City College of New York and jailed on the charge
of perjury. (This committee was cited as communist by Attorney General Tom Clark,
April 27, 1949).
6 Long Island Press, November 12, 1962, p, 2.
Richard Nixon like many Americans was convinced that the fight against the enemies of America was restricted only to the communists and their immediate hangers-on. He had built his reputation
and his political fortunes mainly on his role in exposing Alger
Hiss and the Soviet spy system in this country. Like many others
he failed to understand that there is a working sympathy and understanding
between all the major radical and left-liberal elements in
opposing our institutions of individual liberty and free enterprise.
The operations of this left-wing mass were clearly evident during
the Hiss trials in 1948/49. All shades of radical opinion rallied
behind Alger Hiss. They included such old Fabian socialist types
as Felix Frankfurter and Mark Van Doren. Mark Van Doren was
an English instructor at Columbia University in 1925. He was assigned
as a Faculty Advisor to Whittaker Chambers, later the accuser
of Alger Hiss. Mark VanDoren was also on the staff of the
Nation, the left-wing periodical which has reflected throughout the
years the philosophy of Fabian socialism in this country. Chambers
wrote that "Mark Van Doren's personal influence on his students
was great-in my case, powerful and long-lasting."
Van Doren's influence was so great in developing a passion for
socialism in the young Whittaker Chambers, that at the end of the
1925 school year Chambers quit Columbia University and joined
the Communist Party.7 During the trial of Hiss for perjury, Mark
Van Doren made available to the defense personal letters he had
received years before from Chambers in an effort to discredit the
charges against Alger Hiss.
Van Doren and his fellow-thinkers throughout the nation were
influential enough to create a hysteria in behalf of Hiss which is
unique in our own nation's history. It was then that Chambers
realized that "... when I took up my little sling and aimed at Communism,
I also hit something else. What I hit was the forces of
that great socialist revolution, which, in the name of liberalism, spasmodically,
incompletely, somewhat formlessly, but always in the
same direction, has been inching its ice cap over the nation for two
decades.8
Here Chambers put his finger directly upon the true forces of
danger and disintegration in this country. The great social threat
was not just the communist conspiracy but went much deeper. It
represented a force which had been insinuating itself into the control
centers of our country for a long time.
7 Whittaker Chambers, Witness, Random House, N. Y., 1952, p. 164.
8 ibid. p. 74
Chambers was mistaken in his estimate that at that time (1948)
this force had been at work only for "two decades". The elements
of the socialist forces aiming for control of the United States can be
traced back well over 100 years and during that entire period socialists
often covered themselves with the specific designation of "social
scientist". 9
The communist menace in this country would be a relatively
minor one if it did not operate under the protection of the massive
socialistic movement that had grown within our society largely under
the cover of other labels than "socialism". Whittaker Chambers
shrewdly observed that "Were it not for a socialist cyst within it,
mere political expediency would scarcely stop any party from
cleaning house of its Communists, a project that, pushed with vigor
and sincerity, could only redound to its credit."10
Common leftist goal
In order to understand this hidden menace a thorough reappraisal
is needed of the true balance of the socialistic and communist
movements here and of the actual influence they exert together
and separately.
In the 1930's there was an astounding growth of communist
front organizations with tentacles reaching into almost every Community
in America. The director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation,
J. Edgar Hoover states: "Take, for example, roof, or compound,
fronts. Here a number of fronts, as in the nationality field,
will form a super, over-all front such as the old American League
Against War and Fascism, which at its peak claimed 7,500,000
members.11
It seems impossible that millions of Americans suddenly would
flock into a communist front apparatus without previous preparation
and indoctrination. Even a superficial glance would indicate that
a few thousand communists in the United States would find it
physically impossible to swing such huge numbers of literate Americans
into their apparatus in such a short space of time. Obviously
some other force, or forces, had to work for years in order to create
a receptive mental climate for left-wing affiliations among so many
millions of Americans.
9 New York Tribune. 1842, passim. "Social Science" is the designation the socialists
adopted in the pages of that paper. A regular column by socialists appeared under
the heading Social Science.
10 Chambers, op, cit. p, 742 n.
11 J. Edgar Hoover, Masters 0/ Deceit, Henry Holt & Co., N. Y., p. 231.
We get an indication of the nature of these forces when we
glance over the list of sponsors and founders of such super-communist
fronts as the American League Against War and Fascism mentioned
above by J. Edgar Hoover. Such well-known socialistic figures
as Frank P. Graham, Dr. Reinhold Niebuhr, Upton Sinclair and
Sherwood Anderson participated in the building and leadership
of these communist fronts. These were well-known figures in the
socialist movement who knew the ideological and strategic differences
of the various radical groups. They were not "innocents" or
dupes. They were a part of a united front arranged between the
socialist and communist leadership.12
Their aim was to infiltrate and dupe the American public into
moves that would carry the nation towards socialism. Therefore, in
its actual sense the term "communist front" is misleading. They
were actually socialist-c-communist fronts with the communists
keeping the initiative and dominating the program.13
12 The Kremlin made a deal with socialist forces (Second International) throughout
the world to form a united front in the drive towards socialism. That is why in
this country the socialists, (Fabian and other varieties) during the Thirties, entered
into the building of the giant radical fronts which today are commonly called communist
fronts. Today, there is another communist - socialist united front program
in progress. An official Kremlin expression of the united front policy enunciated by
the Kremlin is as follows:
"Being of the opinion that unity of action is a pressing necessity
and the truest road to the establishment of the political unity of the proletariat as well, we declare that the Communist International
and its sections are ready to enter into negotiations with the Second
International (socialist parties-s-ed.) and its sections for the establishment
of the unity of the working class in the struggle against
the offensive of capital, against Fascism and the menace of Imperialist
war."
Ref: United Front, Georgi Dimitroff, General Secretary of the Communist International
(published International Publishers, communist, N. Y., 1938). This is the
main report delivered to the 7th World Congress of the Communist International in
Moscow, August 7, 1935, p. 91.
13 Among those who were connected with the communist superfront mentioned by
Edgar Hoover who were old activists in the socialistic movement, were: Devere Allen,
Oscar Amenn'ger, Sherwood Anderson, Roger Baldwin, Mary McLeod Bethune, Prof.
Franz Boas, Prof. George S. Counts, Malcolm Cowley, Jerome Davis, Paul De Kruif,
Melvin Douglas, Sherwood Eddy, Prof. Henry Pratt Fairchild, Dorothy Canfield Fisher,
Mary Fox, Frank P. Graham, Rev. John Haynes Holmes, Langston Hughes, Freda
Kirchwey, Joseph Lash, James Lerner, Max Lerner, E. C. Lindemann, Lola Maverick
Lloyd, Robert Morss Lovett, Francis J. McConnell (Bishop), Lewis Mumford, A. ,.
Muste, Dr. Reinhold Niebuhr, Rev. A. Clayton Powell, Jr., Mrs. James Roosevelt, David
J. Saposs, Frederick L. Schuman, Vida D. Scudder, Rev. Guy Emery Shipler, Upton
Sinclair, Tucker P. Smith, Edgar 'Snow, Maxwell S. Stewart, Oswald Garrison Villard,
Harry F. Ward, James Wechsler, Ella Winter, Rabbi Stephen S. Wise and James
Waterman Wise. Although most of these were nominally socialists some of them were
found to be also secret members of the pro-Soviet apparatus without belonging to the
Communist Party. Ref.: Special Committee on Uri-American Activities, House of
Representatives Seventy-eighth Congress Second Session H. His, 282, Appendix-Part
IX, Communist Front Organizations, 1944, pp. 389, 390, 392, 396, 397, 402, 409, 410, 411,
417, 428.
Before the communists split off from the socialist movement in
1919-1920 the socialists had created a large number of deceptive
socialist fronts calculated to draw into their orbit socialistic sympathizers
as well as many persons honestly interested in reform!'!
and good government. Socialists are the inventors of radical fronts.
The communists only copied that technique.
Such organizations as the American Civil Liberties Union and
the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People are
examples of such socialist fronts.14 Throughout the history of the
American Civil Liberties Union or the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People, such Fabian socialists as Felix
Frankfurter, Roger Baldwin, A. J. Muste, Norman Thomas, Robert
Morss Lovett and John Nevin Sayre have dominated the strategic
thinking of those organizations.15 The association of the above
persons in communistic fronts has generally occurred when there
was a united front understanding between the socialist and communist
forces. Whenever there were criticisms or actions against
communists, such as those of Justice Frankfurter in 1961-62, they
have generally occurred when there was a disagreement among
communists and socialists as to the kind of tactics to adopt in the
march toward socialism.
There is never any fundamental disagreement between communists
and socialists about the fact that socialism is the ultimate
aim of both movements. This aim remains constant no matter what
other differences occur. This is the permanent magnet that constantly
draws the socialists back towards the communists in the
long ron. The socialist forces have no choice in the matter. They
are perennially attracted to the communists and emotionally involved
with them.
Both socialists and communists face the same enemy, the system
of individual freedom and private enterprise. This is the main
enemy of the theory of socialism.
14
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People has been a
part of a Fabian socialist combine sponsoring socialist agitation throughout the country
through the League for Industrial Democracy (American Fabian socialists). Ref.:
League for Industrial Democracy Monthly, January 1932, p. 12.
For a detailed account of the background of the N.A.A.C.P. see Red Intrigue and
Race Turmoil by Z. Dobbs, Alliance Inc., 200 East 66th Street, New York, 1958, pp.
13-29.
For the socialist background of the American Civil Liberties Union see Keynes at
Harvard, Veritas Foundation, New York, 1962.
15 Report of the Joint Legislative Committee investigating seditious activities, filed
April 24, 1920, in the Senate of the State of New York, pp. 1518-1519 and pp. 1979-1989.
Murders of socialists by communists along with other atrocities are considered historically of less
importance by die hard socialism than the ideological straw man
called "Capitalism". This demonstrates the great hold over the
mind that emotional dogmatism has even in the face of torture,
pain, blood and tears, and death.16 It also explains the comparative
complacency of our left-wing extremists toward the current war
waged against us by the world-wide Communist conspiracy, infinitely
more menacing to the United States than Hitler, and reeking with
unspeakable atrocities on a vaster scale,as compared with the
fanatical hatred they displayed toward Hitler, after he broke his
alliance with Stalin.
Communists copy socialist tricks
Generations before the formation of the Communist Party in
the United States the socialist movement had created hundreds of
local, regional and radical front groups, carefully camouflaged to
lure thousands of innocents into these socialist dominated organizations,
which would then utilize deceptive issues built around reforms
as 'a means of skillfully indoctrinating the "dupes" with socialist
beliefs.17
16 The cooperation of socialists after their members have been murdered or tortured
harks back to the very beginning of the Bolshevik revolution. Bolsheviks killed hundreds
of mensheviks (who were the Russian socialists) during and immediately after
their take over of power in 1917. This was extended to other countries where the
Bolsheviks secured a foothold such as Hungary, under Bela Kun in 1919, and during
the Hitler-Stalin pact when Polish Jewish socialists fleeing from Hitler into Soviet
Russia were executed, tortured or placed in Siberian slave labor camps. An outstanding
incident of such murders was the killing of Victor Alter and Henryk Erlich,
upon express orders of Stalin. This was done in spite of the fact that President F. D.
Roosevelt had interceded on their behalf. Erlich and Alter were leaders of the Polish
Jewish Socialist Bund, and were executed on the ridiculous charge that they were "nazi
agents". (Reference: Jerzy Gliksman, Tell the World, The Gresham Press, N. Y., 1948,
pp. 13·19.) Although there was great agitation among some socialists over these and
other murders of socialists by communists it did not prevent united front cooperation
between the two movements. The next important phase of murders of socialists by
communists occurred when the communists took over in Czechoslovakia in February,
1948. In short order, both Eduard Benes and Jan Masaryk, socialist heads of the
previous government, were murdered by means of contrived suicide. Again, there was
agitation amongst socialists over communist perfidy. When this subsided, again, there
were united front pacts between socialists and communists throughout the world. This
appears to be a congenital condition existing in the socialist movement which socialists
cannot control. Reference: World Almanac, 1956, p. 146.
17 Some other groups within the scope of the socialist influence were: Women's
International League for Peace and Freedom, The Fellowship of Reconciliation, American
Union against Militarism, Church Socialist League, International League of Working
Women, National Consumers League, Ethical Culture Society and scores of other
organizations.
In 1919 there was a split in the socialist movement, after which
one section formed itself into the Communist Party.18 Thus at
the very beginning the communists had inherited from the socialists
an accumulation of skill and experience in forms of deception with
camouflaged fronts.
There is very little that the communist movement has been
able to add to the bag of tricks developed by the socialists. The
main communist advantage in the revolutionary leftist movement
has been its military type of organization capable of quick action to
meet new situations. The strict discipline of their membership relieved
the communists of the burden of time consuming debate. The communist
policy of lies, deceptions and subterfuges merely copied the
technique which the socialists had developed into a black science
for over a hundred and twenty years (1842).19
Socialists use 'softsell'
Unfortunately while the socialists were busy creating their vast
network of extremist fronts and infiltrating non-socialist organizations,
the public at large was generally disinterested in the whole matter.
The permeation of the American social fabric by socialism proceeded
largely undetected because the socialists utilize the technique
of what is known in the advertising world as the "soft sell". In fact,
the difference between socialist and communist techniques was that
the socialists used the "soft sell" and the communists the "hard
sell".
The "soft sell" was infinitely more successful than the "hard
sell". The communist fronts were utterly unsuccessful until they
switched their line and joined with the socialists in the "soft sell".20
18 William Z. Foster, History of the Communist Party of the United States, International
Publishers, N. Y., 1952, pp, 157-185. This is an official communist chronicle
of how the communists split off from the Socialist Party and formed a separate
group affiliated with the Kremlin.
19 In 1842, Horace Greeley, publisher of the New York Tribune, -decided to use
his newspaper to expound socialism _to the American public. For a year he inserted
a column called "Associationists" or "Social Science" under the guise of being a paid
advertisement in order to escape any possible repercussions as an advocate of socialism.
When, after a year, the repercussions were not forthcoming, he dropped this
subterfuge and presented the column as a straight feature of the newspaper. From
the very beginning, socialists used such crafty devices to camouflage their socialist
ideas. See Charles Sotheran, Horace Greeley and other Pioneers of American Socialism,
Mitchell Kennerley, N. Y., 1892; the chapters on "American Socialism" and "Greeley
a Socialist Apostle."
20 Examples of the unsuccessful communist fronts, preceding the working together
between communists and socialists, were the Trade Union, Unity League, The League
of Struggle for Negro Rights, The African Blood Brotherhood, and- the International
Labor Defense (I. L. D). They never attracted more than a handful of followers.
The sudden growth of the communist fronts after the socialist communist
united front in the thirties was phenomenal. The American
Youth Congress alone, controlled by a socialist-communist
alliance, numbered about "4,600,000 young people by the outbreak of
World War II."21
Another important radical front was the American Student
Union which was formed as a result of an "amalgamation of the
National Student League (communist-led, founded in 1932) and
the ... Student League for Industrial Democracy (socialist-led,
founded in 1905".)22
This front was influential enough to lead "a national anti-war
strike of 184,000 students on April 12, 1937. Such strikes were
continued until April, 1941, those in 1938-39 totaling several hundred
thousand students.23
The National Negro Congress was organized in Chicago on
February 14-16, 1936 as a result of the socialist-communist amalgamation
and soon blossomed into a membership of 1,200,000.
A compilation of the total membership of the four largest
socialist-communist fronts amounted to approximately 13,600,000.
Making liberal allowances for overlapping it can be assuredly stated
that over 10,000,000 people were drawn into this vortex.24
There
were other socialist-communist combinations which,
though involving a much smaller membership, were immensely important
in influencing the country's thinking. An example was the
American Writers Congress organized by socialists and communists
in 1935. A year later the same forces organized the American
Artists Congress. They boasted that "the writers and actors of
Hollywood and Broadway started to raise their voices against the
mass of capitalistic swill ..." and that nationally they were "a
powerful force ... in every other phase of the cultural movement."25
21 Wm. Z. Foster, History of the Communist Party of the United States, International
Publishers, New York, 1952, p, 310.
22 ibid. p. 311.
23 id.
24 All these front groups were cited as communist or communist dominated organizations
by various State and Federal investigating agencies. However, in most cases the socialist participation either was overlooked or ignored. Actually, "socialist-communist"
front would have been the more technically correct designation.
25 American Writers Congress - proceedings - International Publishers, (communist) 1935.
With the socialists and communists massing into one organization
of writers, the real hidden influence of the socialists, and to
a lesser extent, the communists in the publishing business, the
theatre, the movie industry and the broadcasting business made
itself unmistakably visible for the first time.
Through fronts which were designed to coordinate extremist
groups in the information media, one could also pin-point for the
first time the extent of the leftist permeation of the American writing
and publishing field. 26
26 American Writers Congress (proceedings). International Publishers, New York, 1935 passim.
Socialist leaders put over a deal
Today, the process of creating socialist extremist fronts continues
unabated. An organization called the National Committee
for Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) recently made its appearance,
with branches in every densely populated area. After going through
the motions of a squabble with the communists a few years back,
the socialists have currently sneaked back into a policy of cooperation
with the Kremlin by a most devious maneuver. For years, the
socialists have been smarting under the charge that they are perennial
"suckers" for communist machinations. Each time that socialists
joined with the communists in a united front inevitably the net
result was that the communists raided the socialist camp and attracted
away from them a large portion of the youth plus a considerable
number of adults. After World War II, the communists
again pursued 'a hard line against the socialists, murdering many
top socialist figures in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and other Iron
Curtain satellites. Rank and file socialists throughout the world
raised a cry "never again any unity with the communists". As a
consequence a flood of anti-communist literature by socialists began
to appear. Examples are Harold and Bonaro Overstreet's What we
must know about Communism and Margaret Mead's Soviet attitudes
towards authority which reflected a disenchantment by socialist
thinkers with communist brutality. In fact, when the socialists
and communists joined hands a few years ago to form SANE the
socialists in short order began to eject the communists from the organization, and as a result, turned it into an almost purely socialist
front group.
However, as soon as the communists again showed an inclination
for a united front deal, the socialist leaders, with an almost fatalistic
urge, began to yearn for a return to the old union. The big problem
of the socialist leaders was how to form this new united front deal,
and, at the same time, pacify their rank and file following. They
have accomplished this through a most devious maneuver.
In the summer of 1962, Professor J. D. Bernal, a well-known
pro-Kremlin agent, proposed to the socialists in America a united
front deal revolving 'around a campaign for American disarmament,
including the atomic bomb. A private meeting was held in the
sumptuous home of Homer A. Jack, the head of SANE. At this
meeting were Norman Thomas, A. J. Muste, Emily Parker Simon
and Alfred Hassler, all well-known left-wing figures. Since these
leftists had previously protested loudly against communist perfidy
and double crossing, and had sworn never again to trust the communists,
this new communist-socialist deal had to be handled with
the utmost diplomacy.
At this closed meeting of socialists with a pro-Kremlin agent,
it was decided that the socialists, under the circumstances, could
not send either delegates or observers to Moscow without arousing
an outcry among their followers. Therefore, they agreed upon a
substitute device whereby Homer A Jack and Erich Fromm (a
veteran socialist) would go merely as personal guests of J. D. Bernal,
who happened to be the president of the presidium of the Moscow
World Council of Peace. Although technically they appeared as
personal guests the National SANE organization paid all their
travel expenses.
The dishonesty of this subterfuge became apparent when
it was divulged that these so-called "guests" had with them an
official 54-point declaration from SANE to the Moscow congress.
Also, these "personal guests" of Professor J. D. Bernal suddenly
appeared "at a full plenary meeting of the Congress, being given
between 25 and 30 minutes of prime Congress time." During the
sessions the full declaration of these American socialists suddenly
turned up in the hands of all delegates (printed at the expense of
the Soviet Government) in "at least four languages---English,
French, Spanish and German-and will be printed in the final verbatim report of the Congress." In this hypocritical manner
American socialist leaders have sneaked into another united front. 27
27 Reference: Dr. Homer A. Jack, The Moscow Conference for General Disarmament and Peace, a Report to the National Committee for Sane Nuclear Policy, published by National SANE, New York, 1962, pp. I, 2, 4, 5, 7, 16-24. The names appended to the socialist declarations are: William C. Davidon Sid Lens J. David Singer Erich Fromm Stewart Meacham Emily Parker Simon Robert Gilmore Seymour Melman Harold Taylor Alfred Hassler A. J. Muste Norman Thomas Homer A. Jack David Riesman
Most investigators of united radical fronts have overlooked
one of the most vital aspects. This is the socialist participation
and influence in these fronts. The communist activities were much
more blunt and more dramatic, from a news point of view, and
monopolized the attention of those who were concerned with the
collectivist menace. Indeed, prior to the creation of united fronts,
the massive penetration of our free society by the socialists largely
escaped notice. The socialist underground forces were given. carte
blanche, and secured dominance in one field after another by default.
Socialist leaders have always been happy to have others belittle and downgrade the importance of the socialist movement. This enhanced their opportunities to cover up their underground penetration. Most writers on socialism have treated the Socialist Party of America specifically as the criterion of socialist power and influence. As the Socialist Party increased its vote in presidential and congressional elections before World War I there was some concern about this extremist threat. When later the Socialist Party's votes dwindled into insignificance this was regarded as proof that the threat to our institutions from this source was over.
These analysts and observers were badly mistaken. They failed to understand that the Socialist Party was only the parliamentary facade of the socialist movement, and the most dangerous element among the socialists was the American equivalent of British Fabian socialism. American Fabian socialists for 78 years had been active in building up a socialistic strategy and a pro-socialist following, while at the same time, consciously avoiding the use of the word "socialist".28
28 Fabian News, London, June 1892, p. 19 "Local societies are requested to note that it is not desirable to make any change in the name by the addition of the word 'Socialist' to 'Fabian'." In changing the name of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society into the League for Industrial Democracy (L.I.D.) the socialists indicated that they wanted "... a more inclusive name than 'socialist' ..." The L.l.D. Fifty Years 01 Democratic Education 1905·1955 by M. Weisenberg.
The Silent Infiltrators
Americans were generally unaware of the insidious march of the Fabian type of socialist until the era of the socialist-communist fronts, because the 'experts' had failed to sound the alarm.
We previously mentioned that when the socialists joined hands with the communists, their united front groups practically overnight attracted between ten and thirteen million Americans. Conversely, during the Hitler-Stalin pact, when the socialists felt betrayed by the communists and withdrew their support, the membership of these fronts melted away, and most of them went out of business altogether. The real strength of the socialist elements was thus demonstrated by both the growth and the decline of these fronts.
Since the huge socialist-communist fronts disappeared, the tendency of our political commentators has been to consider leftist influence as equally diminished. This is a grave error. In the last century, Sidney Webb, the father of Fabian socialism, explained how those who have once been drawn into leftist activities continue. to promote socialism thereafter. In speaking of socialist organizations, he stated:
"Their programmes and principles remain, and even their leaders, but their active membership is continually changing. A steady stream of persons influenced by socialist doctrines passes into them, but after a time most of these cease to attend meetings, the subjects of which have become familiar, and gradually discontinue their subscriptions. These persons are not lost to the movement; they retain their socialist tone of thought, and give effect to it in their trade unions, their clubs, and their political associations. But they often cease to belong to any distinctly socialist organization, where they are replaced by newer converts."29
29 Sidney Webb, Socialism in England, London, 1889, pp. 20-21.
The millions who were indoctrinated in the socialist-communist fronts provided a continuous backwash of influence in all the political parties in America 30 and in education and social life.
30 Such leftist thinking is personified in Senators Hubert Humphrey. Wayne Morse and Paul H. Douglas among Democrats, and Senators Jacob Javits and Clifford P. Case among the Republicans. All of these had been active in connection with League for Industrial Democracy functions. Ref.: The L.l.D. Fifty Years of Democratic Education 1905·1955, by Mina Weisenberg, pp. 18, 26, 27, and p. 2 of How Free Is Free Enterprise, L.I.D.
It is inconceivable that there could be such a sustained and smoothly functioning socialistic activity throughout such a long period of years without any central directing group fixing the policy and outlining the strategy.
Exhaustive investigation shows that there is such a central direction-and naturally it is not the Socialist Party. The connecting link of the multiple socialist movements today is a quiet organization with wide connections and ramifications known as the League for Industrial Democracy (L.I.D.). It has filled the same position throughout its continuous existence of almost 60 years.31
Shunning wide publicity but steadily boring within the nation's educational system and means of communication, the L.l.D. has been the American equivalent of the British Fabian Society. Like the British Fabian socialist clique, the L.l.D. has operated on the basis of infiltrating key control centers in the United States, including both major political parties. It formerly had a twin associated organization called The Rand School for Social Science. The Rand School educated the new recruits in socialism and the League for Industrial Democracy then gave them operational assignments throughout our whole social structure.
31 Mina Weisenberg, The L.l.D. Fifty Years of Democratic Education 1905·1955, League for Industrial Democracy, New York, p. 1. "... Intercollegiate Socialist Society was formed in 1905, and has continued functioning as the L.I.D. since 1921." David Shannon, The Socialist Party of America - Macmillan, N. Y., 1955, pp, 55-56. The founders of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society (later Ll.D.) included such socialists as Clarence Darrow, Jack London, William English Walling (a founder of N.A.A.C.P.). Morris Hillquit (for many years head of the Socialist Party) and Harry W. Laidler. It was originally financed largely by donations from a few wealthy people. "During the organization's early period Strobell and Rufus W. Weeks, a vice president of the New York Life Insurance Company, kept it going with financial contributions." Ref.: David A. Shannon, The Socialist Party of America, p. 55. "The ISS and the League for Industrial Democracy-the ISS changed its name after World War I-has attracted to it R great number of brilliant minds. A very good college faculty could be assembled from sometime ISS or LID members. Among those who have been associated with the organization, besides those previously mentioned are: .WaIter Agard, Roger Baldwin, Louis B. Boudin. Randolph Bourne, Paul Blsnshard, Bruce Bliven, Paul Brissenden, Robert W. Bruere, Louis Budenz, Howard Brubaker, Stuart Chase, Albert De Silver, John Dewey, Paul H. Douglas, Morris Ernst. Zona Gale, Lewis Gannett, W. J. Ghent, Felix Grendon, Paxton Hibben, Jessie Wallace Hughan, Ellis O. Jones, Horace M. Kallen, Edmond Kelley, Florence Kelley, Freda Kirchwey, William Ellery Leonard, Lewis Lorwin, Robert Morss Lovett, Alexander Meiklejohn, Broadus Mitchell, A. J. Muste, Harry Overstreet, Ernest Poole, Selig Perlman, Jacob Potofsky, Anna Rochester, David Saposs, Vida Scudder, John Spargo, Charles P. Steinmetz, Ordway Tead, Alexander Trachtenberg, Norman Thomas. Walter Weyl, Bouck White, Edwin Witte, Helen Sumner Woodbury, and Charles Zeublin." ibid p. 56.
Leftists in Respectable Garb
In recent years in New York City, there have been meetings held in a dignified looking building at 7 East 15th Street. Groups of well-dressed men and, women gather to discuss "social" problems generally under the broad designation of the "social sciences".
In one session there were people such as Professor Richard B. Morris of Columbia University, Dr. Lewis Lorwin, and Frances Gates, of the Social Sciences Reference Service of the University of California. This meeting was scheduled under the prosaic heading of "Studying Labor History". In another meeting, John Kenneth Galbraith was awarded an annual book award in the Waldorf Astoria Hotel. Presiding at the ceremonies was Dr. George N. Shuster, president of Hunter College, and the presentation was made by United States Senator Paul H. Douglas. Subsequently, Galbraith's acceptance speech was published in the February 2nd, 1958 issue of The New Leader, an old socialist publication.
At another meeting, Leo Rosten of Look Magazine, William Nichols of This Week Magazine, and Frank Stanton, the head of the Columbia Broadcasting System, gathered to discuss the harmless sounding topic of "Mass Culture" and "Mass Media".
All this was done under the auspices of ahannless sounding organization called The Tamiment Institute and Library. In brochures we learn that "The Tamiment Institute and Library is a private nonprofit and non-partisan institution sponsored by the People's Educational Camp Society of Tamiment, Pennsylvania".
However, under the heading of "Advisory Committee" we read the names of Norman Thomas, socialist leader, Reinhold. Niebuhr, socialist theologian, Daniel Bell, socialist leader, Sidney Hook, former communist, and now in the socialist camp (Fabian), George H. Shuster, president of Hunter College, New York City, with a record of leftist associations, and J. Robert Oppenheimer (who was dropped by the Atomic Energy Commission because of doubts raised as a security risk).
The building which now houses the Tamiment Institute is the same that was purchased many years ago for the Rand School-of Social Science; The Rand School of Social Science, founded by the American Socialist Society, eventually ran out of endowed funds and reorganized itself under this new name. The Rand School label had already been thoroughly discredited and hence became unsuitable as a cover.
In the hot weather the meetings moved to a luxurious socialistic camp in the mountains of Pennsylvania where the proceedings are conducted in cooler surroundings of natural splendor. There we find a hall called the Morris Hillquit Memorial Library of the Tamiment Cultural Center, Tamiment, Pennsylvania. The late Morris Hillquit was the head of the Socialist Party in the 1920's and also a participant in the League for Industrial Democracy and the Rand School of Social Science. He had been a militant defender of the Bolshevik Revolution and a vociferous supporter of the Communist International. 32
32 State of New York, Proceedings of the Judiciary Committee of the Assembly, Legislative document # 35, Vol. II, 1920, Testimony: "Morris Hillquit. - 'The bMLs of our sympathy with Soviet Russia, is in the first place, that we recognize Soviet Russia as a government of the working classes of Russia - of the underdog, if you want if." p. 1346. "Morris Hillquit, - 'As to that the Socialist party by majority vote has declared its adherence to the Third International'." p. 1352.
Thus the Tamiment Institute and Library is a new name for the old Rand School of Social Science and it has replaced the latter as an adjunct of L.I.D. It is the American counterpart of the British Fabian Research Bureau. The Fabian organization and its American twin feed organized packages of information to leftists in all walks of life, to undermine our system of free enterprise and individual freedom.
Rand School teachers and pupils have always served as conspicuous luminaries in socialist and communist movements of all shades. Today, this ghost of the old Rand School of Social Science even engages in the fashionable game of "anti-communism", although its "anti-communism" is of an innocuous type which merely slaps the reds on the wrist. Any serious attempt to check the Kremlin element is met with a chorus of "danger to the freedom of expression" by these same "Fabian socialists".
The Center of Infection
Two blocks further uptown from the Tamiment Institute Building,additional meetings are held. These are also conducted in a dignified and respectable climate. The address is 112 E. 19th Street, New York City, and the organization is called the League for Industrial Democracy.
Among its Directors are Norman Thomas and Daniel Bell, who are on the Advisory Council of the Tamiment Institute. In both the League for Industrial Democracy and the Tamiment Institute you find an overlapping of names.33
33 Other examples are George Ross and Marx Lewis, who are directors of both the League for Industrial Democracy and the Tamiment Institute and Library.
The influence of the League for Industrial Democracy can be
gauged by the national figures among their sponsors. They include
Senator Jacob Javits, Republican, Senator Paul H. Douglas, Democrat,
Senator Wayne Morse, Democrat, George Meaney, head of
AFL-CIO, H. L Keenleyside, Director-General, Technical Assistants
Administration of the United Nations, M. J. Coldwell, M.P., Leader
of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation Group in the Canadian
Parliament, Patrick M. Malin, Executive Director, American
Civil Liberties Union, Robert Bendiner, Managing Editor of The
Nation, Ralph J. Bunche, Assistant Secretary of the United Nations,
and Theodore K. Quinn, former Vice President of the General
Electric Company.
Lurking behind this respectable facade of notables with imposing titles and degrees, is the Fabian Socialist interlocking complex.
The Fabian socialist structure in the United States was patented almost exactly upon the mother Fabian organization in England. The British Fabian Society, with an insignificant number of members, infiltrated all major political parties and institutions in Britain and managed to dominate sociological and political sentiment to such an extent that Britain has been gradually creeping ,towards full socialism regardless of the political party in power.
On several occasions, the Fabian socialists even had full political direction of the British Empire through the medium of the Labour Party which the Fabians founded and have dominated ever since.34
34 Some of the Fabian leaders in the Labour Party who have held ministerial portfolios in the British government and have influenced the destinies and the decline of the British Empire are: J. Ramsey Macdonald, Sir Stafford Cripps, Clement Atlee, Ernest Bevin, John Strachey, Hugh Gaitskell. Ref. This Little Band of Prophets - The British Fabians, by Anne Freemantle, pp. 109, 171,9.252,254.
The Fabians sponsored, organized and financed the London School of Economics as an institution that would grind out graduate students who would filter into colleges and universities throughout the British Empire and the United States.35
35 Margaret Cole, The Story of Fabian Socialism, Stanford University Press, 1961, p. 69. Mrs. Cole writing as a veteran Fabian socialist leader describes the maneuver of Fabian head, Sidney Webb, in organizing the London School of Economics: "Webb, accordingly, wrote out, as a kind of appendage to the Hutchinson will, a paper of his own stating what he considered its provisions could mean in practice, including 'the promotion ... of all or any of the objects for the time being of the said Society, or in or towards the promotion of the study of Socialism, Economics or of any other branch or branches of Social Science or Political Science or in or towards the propagation or advocacy whether by lectures pamphlets books or otherwise of socialistic or economic or political teaching or in or towards the promotion of any educational social or philanthropic object.' and to fortify himself against possible criticism enquired of R. B. Haldane, Q.c., whether this seemed all right to him. Haldane, it seems, asked Webb whether he was still a Socialist and whether he thought his proposed new foundation would really strengthen the case for Socialism; receiving the answer 'Yes' to both queries he gave 'counsel's opinion' in favor of going ahead. Webb, however, had made up his mind wcll in advance of the consultation with Haldane-whose name was never mentioned in any discussion with the Fabian Executive-and had decided that at least half was to go to the foundation of the L.S.E., on whose behalf its first Director promised to the London Chamber of Commerce that 'the School would not deal with political matters and nothing of a socialistic tendency would be introduced'; furthermore, that whatever part the Fabian Society itself might be permitted to retain of the money left for its 'propaganda and other purposes' was not to be casually spent." (This piece of duplicity and dishonesty is typically Fabian Socialist. Although the London School of Economics was deliberately designed as a socialist vehicle the London Chamber of Commerce was told the opposite in order to fool the British public. This is typical of Fabian socialists both in Britain and in America.)
The London School of Economics had far reaching effects on
American public affairs through Americans who have been indoctrinated
at that institution. Listed among its noted graduates is
the late President, John F. Kennedy.
In the publication field, the British Fabians had developed the magazine The Nation and The New Statesman as mouthpieces for Fabian policies. Eventually they were merged as the New Statesman and Nation. In the book publishing field a whole gamut of publishers vie with one another to publish Fabian literature. Fabian influence has been felt in television and the press, through Fabian indoctrinated reporters and editors. Every phase of education and public information has been "permeated" by these leftists. Originally a small group of socialist elite, they have steadily grown in members and influence by continual log-rolling and mutual assistance, combined with unscrupulous smearing and boycotting of their opponents, until they have now secured almost complete control of the mass media of communication.
American Fabians imitated most of the organizational forms of the British Fabian body. The New School for Social Research in New York City was the equivalent of the London School of Economics.36
36 Sister M. Margaret Patricia McCarren (unpublished manuscript on Fabian Socialism in the United States) "NEW SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL RESEARCH. The New School, founded by Charles Beard, John Dewey. Thorstein Veblen, and Alvin Johnson in 1919, was hailed by the Fabians in the New Statesman as the counterpart of the London School of Economics." p. LX, LXI.
An Appendage to British Fabians
On the political front there are the Americans for Democratic Action, the New York State Liberal Party, and other political fronts throughout the country which copy the British Labour Party techniques. The Americans for Democratic Action corresponds with the Union for Democratic Action which was a British Fabian socialist outgrowth in England. David C. Williams, the editor of the ADA World, the official organ of the Americans for Democratic Action, was also organizer of the leftist Union for Democratic Action in London. Of the 18 members of the National Executive Committee of the ADA in 1961 the overwhelming majority had connections with the League for Industrial Democracy or the Tamiment Institute and Library. The ADA has been a thinly camouflaged reflection of the L.I.D., Fabian master organization in America.37
37 Reference: Folder issued by We The People exposing the ADA, Oct. 1961, p. 1. Also, Sister M. Margaret Patricia McCarren ibid., p. 90.
A work issued by a Fabian publishing outlet states:
"The League for Industrial Democracy, founded in 1905 on Fabian lines in New York by H. Laidler, has always kept closely in touch with British Fabians: the Fabian Society's Annual Report from 1925 to 1930 listed it under Provincial Societies."38
38 This Little Band of Prophets: The British Fabians, Anne Freemantle, Mentor Books, published by The New American Library, 1960, p. 233. British edition, George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 11 Dartmouth St. S.W. I, London, England
It is interesting to note that the British Fabian socialists consider
the American Fabian socialists only a "provincial" section of
the overall British Fabian socialist movement.
The L.I.D. coordinated its tactics and activity with the British Fabian socialists. Actually English Fabianism had strong American socialist overtones. Thomas Davidson, who inspired the first meetings in 1883, although of Scottish birth, was an American citizen and the chief driving force behind Fabian thinking was Henry George, the American single tax advocate. 39
39 Anna George deMille, Henry George, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, N. c, 1950 ", . . it was George who gave the impetus to the British Socialist movement which grew out of the Fabian Society. Sidney Webb pointed out: 'Little as Henry George intended it, there can be no doubt that it W!lB the enormous circulation of his Progress and Poverty which gave the touch that caused all seething influence to crystallize into a popular Socialist movement'." p.2.
In 1895, an American Fabian Society was formed with a magazine called the American Fabian as its official organ. The British Fabian tracts were also widely advertised and distributed to Americans through the American Fabian Society. The publications of the American Fabians were likewise offered under the label of "Social Science Library".40
40 See issues of American Fabian from 1895 to 1900.
British Fabian leader Margaret Cole writes: ''The most notable
of the originals was the American Fabian Society, which began in
Boston under the auspices of one Rev. W.D.P. Bliss of Boston, who
was assisted by J. W. Martin, a member of the London Executive,
who emigrated; for several years it ran a journal, The American
Fabian, in Boston and New York, and fathered Societies in Philadelphia
and San Francisco; later there are recorded Societies in Chicago
and at Yale; ... "41 The significant fact that a member of the
London Executive Committee of the British Fabian Society had set
up branches in the United States (circa 1895-1901) has been glossed
over in socialist literature. This is because the issues of the
American Fabian were quite frank about the Fabian intentions and
gave away a large part of the Fabian tricks.42
41 p. 347, Margaret Cole, The Story of Fabian Socialism.
42 The American Fabian, Jan., 1898, p. 12: "N ext to thinking of it and hoping for it themselves, Fabian Socialists should do ull they can to rouse others to do the same. Every Fabian Socialist should have a small but well selected library of the best books on this subject, and these he should lend to all such of his friends and acquaintances who show the slightest signs of being amenable to progress." "Lend Blatchford's 'MERRIE ENGLAND' to men, and ask them what they think of it. Lend 'LOOKING BACKWARD' to women, and talk it over with them. Get everybody to read Henry D. Lloyd's 'WEALTH AGAINST COMMONWEALTH: and ask them what they think of trusts in general. Get every person you know, without regard to age, sex, or previous condition of servitude, to read Ruskin's 'CROWN OF WILD OLIVES,Tell romantic people to read William Morris' 'NEWS FROM NOWHERE: Tell practical people to read the 'FABIAN TRACTS.' Beg religious people to read KINGSLEY and MAURICE and Professor HERRON and the Rev. STEWART HEADLAM in connection with their New Testament. If you find one who shows earnestness and perseverance, urge him to read the 'FABIAN ESSAYS', Advise scientific people to read KARL MARX, ('Capital', Humboldt Publishing Co., New York.) and teII those who look higher yet that they will find a philosophic basis for Socialism in the works of the great HEGEL, ('The Philosophy of History,' Bohn's Philosophical Library.) and the hardly less notable German idealist, FICHTE, ('The Science of Rights' Truhner & Co., London) There is literature of the new order adapted to alI sorts and conditions of men. Choose with tact. Lend freely, with courtesy and persistence. This should be a point of honor with every Fabian Socialist." (The rather frank disclosure by American Fabians of the tactics taught them by the British Fabian mother body are reflected in items like the above in the American Fabian. It is interesting to note that the Fabians have a propaganda package for every element in society. Notice especially a separate appeal made to Christians using a religious approach, and the separate atheistic appeal via Karl Marx. Here we find a frank exposition of separate appeals to women, romantic people, practical people, religious people, earnest people, scientific people and those of a philosophic bent. The . pages of the American Fabian are full of such disclosures. It is no wonder that this publication has been pushed into the limbo of lost works by socialist chroniclers.e-ed.).
The League for Industrial Democracy as the inheritor of the early Fabian group in America is further tied to the British body by Margaret Cole who states: _". . . Fabian influence there (in the United States - ed.), such as it is, has been exercised by contact with Dr. Harry Laidler's League for Industrial Democracy in New York, and in Canada through the various groups of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation." 43
43 Margaret Cole, The Story of Fabian Socialism, p. 347. .. .
It is interesting to note that the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation of Canada is given credit for being a Fabian type socialist organization. The strike of 900 doctors in Saskatchewan, Canada, beginning July, 1962, against a "Government Compulsory Medical Care Insurance Act" was a protest against the Provincial Government headed by the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation.44 Curiously, a vice president of the League for Industrial Democracy, the headquarters of which is in New York, is "M. J. Coldwell, M.P., leader of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation Group in Canadian Parliament..." 45
44 Good Housekeeping Magazine, Nov., 1962, article: What Happens When Doctors Strike, p.p. 85-88.
45 World Cooperation. and Social Progress, League for Industrial Democracy, 112 E. 19th Street, New York 3. N. Y., p, 20. 3
The octopus of Fabian socialism stretches from England to the United States, with tentacles in Canada, New Zealand, Australia and other parts of the British Empire. The methods are devious, underhanded and fraught with deception, but they work. Fabian socialist propaganda is filled with charges of cheating, dishonesty, and conspiracy on the part of what they brand as "the capitalistic system". In fact, it is their own methods of deception and patent dishonesty that are regularly planned and carried out, and deliberately concealed. This is the same method used by both Hitler and the Soviets to accuse their intended victims of the crimes which they were plotting to perpetrate on them. The Fabians' political policy operates on a permanent basis of fraud to soften up and subvert our society so that it will eventually fall like ripe fruit into the hands of this self-appointed socialistic elite.
Permanent deception-a success
Even before the turn of the century, and continuing to the present day this basic strategy of concealment and deception has been quite frankly disclosed by both English and American Fabians in their intramural communications.
An entirely different approach became the guiding standard of driving all of society into a socialist direction. One of the chief Fabians described their phenomenal success when he stated:
"The Fabian Society succeeded because it addressed itself to its own class in order that it might set about doing the necessary brain work of planning Socialist organization for all classes, meanwhile accepting, instead of trying to supersede, the existing political organizations which it intended to permeate with the Socialist conception of human society."46
46 Bernard Shaw, The Intelligent Woman's Guide to Socialism, Brentano's, N. Y., 1928, p. 186.
Whereas, some other socialistic movements embraced a more frank public program which advocated bludgeoning society into accepting socialism, the Fabians adopted the covert policy of easing society into socialist forms by trick and deception. Their policy was, and is, never to run a candidate publicly as a Fabian Socialist.
Fabians pursued a policy of "permeation" into established organizations. They called this the "permeation of the Radical Left" 47 and explained carefully that by degrees through such permeation that society "will pass into collective control without there ever having been a party definitely and openly pledged to that end." And that "according to this theory there will come a time, and that shortly, when the avowed Socialists and the much socialized Radicals will be strong enough to hold the balance in many constituencies, and sufficiently powerful in all to drive the advance candidate many pegs further than his own inclination would take him." The Fabians also taught that the permeated parties "will thus be forced to make concessions and to offer compromise; and will either adopt a certain minimum number of the Socialist proposals, or allow to Socialists a share in the representation itself. Such concessions and compromises will grow in number and importance with each successive appeal to the electorate, until at last the game is won." Although this was written by Sidney Webb, the father of Fabian Socialism in 1889, it is an almost exact blueprint of the Fabian operations in the United States today.48
47 Fabian, Essays in. Socialism, Walter Scott, London, 1889, p. 21
48 ibid p. 215
Margaret Cole, a long time leader of Fabian socialism explains it succinctly:
"What Fabian permeation meant was primarily 'honeycombing', converting either to Socialism or to parts of the immediate Fabian Programme, as set out in the continuous stream of Tracts and lectures, key persons, or groups of persons, who were in a position either to take action themselves or to influencing others, not merely in getting a resolution passed, or (say) inducing a Town Council to accept one of the clauses of the Adoptive Acts, but in 'following up', in making sure that the resolution or whatever it was did not remain on paper but was put into effect." 49
49 Margaret Cole, The Story of Fabian Socialism, Stanford University Press. p. 85
The technique of influencing great masses of people through small numbers of 'socialistic experts' properly placed or in a position where they can influence leaders is a time tested Fabian device. One can more easily understand many of the strange events occurring in our own country in the light of what Margaret Cole says in continuing her explanation of Fabian "permeation":
"It was not necessary that these 'key persons' should be members of the Fabian Society; often it was as well they should not; what was essential was that they should at first or even second-hand be instructed and advised by Fabians."50
50 ibid, pp. 85, 86. One gets additional insight into the technique of Fabian socialist permeation hy Margaret Cole, when she says: "One gets sometimes, an impression of a Fabian vision of Britain in which every Important Person, Cabinet Minister, senior civil servant, leading industrialist, University Vice-Chancellor, Church dignitary, or what-not. would have an anonymous Fabian at his elbow or in his entourage who, trained very thoroughly '(maybe in the Webb's Ideal School of Economics) in information, draughtsmanship, and the sense of what was immediately possible, would insure that the Important Person moved cautiously, but steadily in the right direction."
A few Fabians influence millions
The amazing part of the Fabian Socialist movement, both in the United States and in England, is that it is made up of a relatively small number of people who have developed the technique of influencing large masses of people to a very high degree. This policy of confining the Fabian leadership to a very small number is a deliberate one. As early as 1896, the Fabian Society declared that "the Society is pledged to support those which make for socialism and democracy and to oppose those which are reactionary. It does not ask the English people to join the Fabian Society. It urges its members to join other societies, socialist or non-socialist, in which Fabian work can be done."51 Sidney Webb had openly declared that the Fabian Socialist Society "is not, however, a numerous body, and makes no attempt to increase its numbers beyond the convenient limit."52
51 Fabian Society report to the Trades Union Council, 1896, quoted in Anne Freemantle's This Little Band of Prophets-The British Fabians, 1961, p. 92.
52 S. Webb, Socialism in England, p. 27.
The League for Industrial Democracy as the American Fabian
counterpart pursues the same Fabian policy of a small select membership
exerting influence in the vital control centers of America.
The L.I.D. has a self-perpetuating leadership which is not responsive
to any mass pressures. In fact, their policy is the reverse--
the masses must be responsive to them.
The influencing of youth by Fabians who dazzled young people
with a false symbol of "science" has been a standard socialist technique
for many years. In England, Fabians began intensive indoctrination
of young people through the means of an organization
called the Fabian Summer School. By planting socialistic ideas in
young minds the Fabian Society influenced the thinking of future
leaders of the British Empire in each succeeding generation.
In the United States the League for Industrial Democracy following the same program organized the Student League for Industrial Democracy (S.L.J.D.). This organization had left its mark in almost every major college and university in the United States. Since 1905 thousands of prominent persons in government, education, science and religion reflect the socialistic teachings of the Student League for Industrial Democracy.
The Rand School for Social Science and its successor the Tamiment Institute and Library have trained a minimum of 5,000 people per year since its founding in 1906.53 The bulk of these have entered into sensitive and key positions in government, the information media (television, newspapers, radio), and the teaching professions in colleges and high schools throughout America. Well over a quarter of a million radicals have been spawned by this single "social science" school alone.
53 The Case of the Rand School, published by the Rand School of Social Science, New York City, July 26, 1919, "The Rand School of Social Science last year had 5,000 students. Rand students, when they finish their training, go out to be lecturers, street speakers, teachers and organizers in the labor movement. They become leading spirits among their fellows, for they have supplemented their toil-worn knowledge of present social and industrial evils with an intelligent, constructive idealism that builds a new and better way where the present system fails and collapses." p, 1.
As has been mentioned before, this interlocking Fabian socialist network has furnished the substance and the sinews for the so called communist front movements numbering millions of followers. The subversive menace in America can be estimated being at least 80% Fabian socialist and with the remaining 20% consisting of communists and other assorted radical groups. This fact is almost completely overlooked by writers, lecturers and investigators of the left-wing problem.
Socialists are treated lightly
While the communist menace has been subjected to some telling blows through study and exposure, the Fabian type of socialist has been allowed to expand his influence unimpeded. The erosion of democratic institutions proceeds unchecked and the enemy remains unidentified.
There are key men in the United States pushing _socialistic personalities and socialist issues on radio, television, newspapers, magazines and other publications. Pro-socialist influence on television is obvious when persons such as Norman Thomas and Max Lerner are continuously solicited for programs reaching millions of people. 54 Although Norman Thomas is publicly known as a perennial candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket his major role has been as director and officer of the League for Industrial Democracy and its predecessor. organization (Intercollegiate Socialist Society) since 1918.55 He has been one of the chief architects of Fabian Socialism. The Socialist Party was only one public face of the overall socialist movement. Most anti-socialist opposition has been cleverly decoyed by the Fabians toward the Socialist Party only. The concept of Norman Thomas as a 'nice, harmless socialist' sold to his wealthy and socialite friends is a carefully built up image. Mr. Thomas is a clever, calculating, hard core socialist who has been in the Fabian inner councils plotting out a strategy governing the entire movement. His connections with the British Fabian leaders are politically Intimate.56
54 Public program sponsored under educational auspices on Channel 13, during January, 1963, New York City.
55 The l..l.D. 50 Years 01 Democratic Education 1905.1955, published by League for Industrial Democracy, p. 29.
56 This Little Band 01 Prophets, Anne Freernantle, p. 234.
Max Lerner has been a pioneer of the communist movement. Later he moved into Fabian socialism. His projection through newspaper columns and on radio and television as an independent thinker is completely contradicted by the fact that he has been either communistic or Fabian socialist throughout his entire adult life.57 We have the example of a clever bit of by-play with Lerner and Norman Thomas on the same television program creating the impression that they represent two different aspects of a social question. This is patently a clever bit of acting since both are wedded to the same socialist aims.
57 Max Lerner, speaker for the Communist Party, Toledo, Ohio, Nov. 4, 1923. (Ref.: Special Committee to investigate communist activities in the U.S. H. RES. 220, Part 3, VoL 2, June 17, 1930 p. 237.) Max Lerner, article in the Daily Worker (circa 1923) (Ref.: Special Committee to investigate communist activities in the U.S. H. RES. 220, Part 3, Vol. 2, June 17, 1930, p. 267.) Member of the National Executive Committee of the Young Workers (communist) League in 1923. (Ref.: The Young Worker.) (affiliated with the Young Communist International, June, 1923, p. 4). Editor of The Nation, 1936 (Fabian socialist). Delegate to the Workers (communist) Party; (ref.: Young Worker, Feb. 1923, p. 13). Leader of the League for Industrial Democracy (Fabian Socialist) (ref.: This Little Band 01 Prophets, A. Fremantle, p. 234). Currently, columnist for the New York Post, and professor of Political Science at Brandeis University.
Other persons with a socialistic background such as William L. Shirer and John Gunther are continually belaboring a large public with ideas presented in a "liberal" form. Naturally, no mention is made of their partisanship for socialist causes.
In Tamiment Institute activities we find such persons as Frank Stanton of the Columbia Broadcasting System participating along with Leo Rosten of Look Magazine, and William Nichols of This Week. These are individuals who reach millions of people with their peculiar slant on national and world affairs. They influence politicians, political parties and thousands of others who occupy sensitive and key positions in our society. 58
We have noted before how even Alger Hiss, an accused spy and convicted perjurer, was pushed into the breach in a nationally televised program. This obviously indicated considerable leftist bias in some of the largest television and radio networks in the United States. These are merely symptoms of the Fabian socialist penetrations and permeations that have continued for at least 70 years in the United States.
Socialists have managed to push society towards socialism indoctrinating millions under labels other than socialism.
We have mentioned that Stuart Chase, veteran Fabian socialist, once counselled a socialist gathering that "socialism under any other name would smell as sweet."59 Then the question arises as to what label or labels did these undercover leftists use in order to inject socialist thinking? One of the earliest labels to cover socialist indoctrination has been the magical term "social science". The Fabian socialists have stolen the magic symbolism of "science" and have grafted it upon their system of thought. Since almost everybody in the civilized world looks upon science as progressive and beneficial to humanity it occurred to socialist strategists more than a century ago that old ideas could be presented in a modern garb by calling them a "social science". In colleges, the pulpit and lecture hall the magic term of "social science" has been used in myriad forms to inculcate a "creeping socialism" which has stealthily and quite silently insinuated itself into the lifeblood of our civilization. To get at the heart of this malignancy it is necessary to trace into the tortuous road by which "social science" has lured us down into the leftist quagmire. 58 See Annual Report of Tamiment Institute and Library, June 1958·59, pp. 3 and 4.
59 Stuart Chase. A New Deal, p. 163.
next
SOCIAL SCIENCE LEFTIST INSTRUMENT
Socialist leaders have always been happy to have others belittle and downgrade the importance of the socialist movement. This enhanced their opportunities to cover up their underground penetration. Most writers on socialism have treated the Socialist Party of America specifically as the criterion of socialist power and influence. As the Socialist Party increased its vote in presidential and congressional elections before World War I there was some concern about this extremist threat. When later the Socialist Party's votes dwindled into insignificance this was regarded as proof that the threat to our institutions from this source was over.
These analysts and observers were badly mistaken. They failed to understand that the Socialist Party was only the parliamentary facade of the socialist movement, and the most dangerous element among the socialists was the American equivalent of British Fabian socialism. American Fabian socialists for 78 years had been active in building up a socialistic strategy and a pro-socialist following, while at the same time, consciously avoiding the use of the word "socialist".28
28 Fabian News, London, June 1892, p. 19 "Local societies are requested to note that it is not desirable to make any change in the name by the addition of the word 'Socialist' to 'Fabian'." In changing the name of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society into the League for Industrial Democracy (L.I.D.) the socialists indicated that they wanted "... a more inclusive name than 'socialist' ..." The L.l.D. Fifty Years 01 Democratic Education 1905·1955 by M. Weisenberg.
The Silent Infiltrators
Americans were generally unaware of the insidious march of the Fabian type of socialist until the era of the socialist-communist fronts, because the 'experts' had failed to sound the alarm.
We previously mentioned that when the socialists joined hands with the communists, their united front groups practically overnight attracted between ten and thirteen million Americans. Conversely, during the Hitler-Stalin pact, when the socialists felt betrayed by the communists and withdrew their support, the membership of these fronts melted away, and most of them went out of business altogether. The real strength of the socialist elements was thus demonstrated by both the growth and the decline of these fronts.
Since the huge socialist-communist fronts disappeared, the tendency of our political commentators has been to consider leftist influence as equally diminished. This is a grave error. In the last century, Sidney Webb, the father of Fabian socialism, explained how those who have once been drawn into leftist activities continue. to promote socialism thereafter. In speaking of socialist organizations, he stated:
"Their programmes and principles remain, and even their leaders, but their active membership is continually changing. A steady stream of persons influenced by socialist doctrines passes into them, but after a time most of these cease to attend meetings, the subjects of which have become familiar, and gradually discontinue their subscriptions. These persons are not lost to the movement; they retain their socialist tone of thought, and give effect to it in their trade unions, their clubs, and their political associations. But they often cease to belong to any distinctly socialist organization, where they are replaced by newer converts."29
29 Sidney Webb, Socialism in England, London, 1889, pp. 20-21.
The millions who were indoctrinated in the socialist-communist fronts provided a continuous backwash of influence in all the political parties in America 30 and in education and social life.
30 Such leftist thinking is personified in Senators Hubert Humphrey. Wayne Morse and Paul H. Douglas among Democrats, and Senators Jacob Javits and Clifford P. Case among the Republicans. All of these had been active in connection with League for Industrial Democracy functions. Ref.: The L.l.D. Fifty Years of Democratic Education 1905·1955, by Mina Weisenberg, pp. 18, 26, 27, and p. 2 of How Free Is Free Enterprise, L.I.D.
It is inconceivable that there could be such a sustained and smoothly functioning socialistic activity throughout such a long period of years without any central directing group fixing the policy and outlining the strategy.
Exhaustive investigation shows that there is such a central direction-and naturally it is not the Socialist Party. The connecting link of the multiple socialist movements today is a quiet organization with wide connections and ramifications known as the League for Industrial Democracy (L.I.D.). It has filled the same position throughout its continuous existence of almost 60 years.31
Shunning wide publicity but steadily boring within the nation's educational system and means of communication, the L.l.D. has been the American equivalent of the British Fabian Society. Like the British Fabian socialist clique, the L.l.D. has operated on the basis of infiltrating key control centers in the United States, including both major political parties. It formerly had a twin associated organization called The Rand School for Social Science. The Rand School educated the new recruits in socialism and the League for Industrial Democracy then gave them operational assignments throughout our whole social structure.
31 Mina Weisenberg, The L.l.D. Fifty Years of Democratic Education 1905·1955, League for Industrial Democracy, New York, p. 1. "... Intercollegiate Socialist Society was formed in 1905, and has continued functioning as the L.I.D. since 1921." David Shannon, The Socialist Party of America - Macmillan, N. Y., 1955, pp, 55-56. The founders of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society (later Ll.D.) included such socialists as Clarence Darrow, Jack London, William English Walling (a founder of N.A.A.C.P.). Morris Hillquit (for many years head of the Socialist Party) and Harry W. Laidler. It was originally financed largely by donations from a few wealthy people. "During the organization's early period Strobell and Rufus W. Weeks, a vice president of the New York Life Insurance Company, kept it going with financial contributions." Ref.: David A. Shannon, The Socialist Party of America, p. 55. "The ISS and the League for Industrial Democracy-the ISS changed its name after World War I-has attracted to it R great number of brilliant minds. A very good college faculty could be assembled from sometime ISS or LID members. Among those who have been associated with the organization, besides those previously mentioned are: .WaIter Agard, Roger Baldwin, Louis B. Boudin. Randolph Bourne, Paul Blsnshard, Bruce Bliven, Paul Brissenden, Robert W. Bruere, Louis Budenz, Howard Brubaker, Stuart Chase, Albert De Silver, John Dewey, Paul H. Douglas, Morris Ernst. Zona Gale, Lewis Gannett, W. J. Ghent, Felix Grendon, Paxton Hibben, Jessie Wallace Hughan, Ellis O. Jones, Horace M. Kallen, Edmond Kelley, Florence Kelley, Freda Kirchwey, William Ellery Leonard, Lewis Lorwin, Robert Morss Lovett, Alexander Meiklejohn, Broadus Mitchell, A. J. Muste, Harry Overstreet, Ernest Poole, Selig Perlman, Jacob Potofsky, Anna Rochester, David Saposs, Vida Scudder, John Spargo, Charles P. Steinmetz, Ordway Tead, Alexander Trachtenberg, Norman Thomas. Walter Weyl, Bouck White, Edwin Witte, Helen Sumner Woodbury, and Charles Zeublin." ibid p. 56.
Leftists in Respectable Garb
In recent years in New York City, there have been meetings held in a dignified looking building at 7 East 15th Street. Groups of well-dressed men and, women gather to discuss "social" problems generally under the broad designation of the "social sciences".
In one session there were people such as Professor Richard B. Morris of Columbia University, Dr. Lewis Lorwin, and Frances Gates, of the Social Sciences Reference Service of the University of California. This meeting was scheduled under the prosaic heading of "Studying Labor History". In another meeting, John Kenneth Galbraith was awarded an annual book award in the Waldorf Astoria Hotel. Presiding at the ceremonies was Dr. George N. Shuster, president of Hunter College, and the presentation was made by United States Senator Paul H. Douglas. Subsequently, Galbraith's acceptance speech was published in the February 2nd, 1958 issue of The New Leader, an old socialist publication.
At another meeting, Leo Rosten of Look Magazine, William Nichols of This Week Magazine, and Frank Stanton, the head of the Columbia Broadcasting System, gathered to discuss the harmless sounding topic of "Mass Culture" and "Mass Media".
All this was done under the auspices of ahannless sounding organization called The Tamiment Institute and Library. In brochures we learn that "The Tamiment Institute and Library is a private nonprofit and non-partisan institution sponsored by the People's Educational Camp Society of Tamiment, Pennsylvania".
However, under the heading of "Advisory Committee" we read the names of Norman Thomas, socialist leader, Reinhold. Niebuhr, socialist theologian, Daniel Bell, socialist leader, Sidney Hook, former communist, and now in the socialist camp (Fabian), George H. Shuster, president of Hunter College, New York City, with a record of leftist associations, and J. Robert Oppenheimer (who was dropped by the Atomic Energy Commission because of doubts raised as a security risk).
The building which now houses the Tamiment Institute is the same that was purchased many years ago for the Rand School-of Social Science; The Rand School of Social Science, founded by the American Socialist Society, eventually ran out of endowed funds and reorganized itself under this new name. The Rand School label had already been thoroughly discredited and hence became unsuitable as a cover.
In the hot weather the meetings moved to a luxurious socialistic camp in the mountains of Pennsylvania where the proceedings are conducted in cooler surroundings of natural splendor. There we find a hall called the Morris Hillquit Memorial Library of the Tamiment Cultural Center, Tamiment, Pennsylvania. The late Morris Hillquit was the head of the Socialist Party in the 1920's and also a participant in the League for Industrial Democracy and the Rand School of Social Science. He had been a militant defender of the Bolshevik Revolution and a vociferous supporter of the Communist International. 32
32 State of New York, Proceedings of the Judiciary Committee of the Assembly, Legislative document # 35, Vol. II, 1920, Testimony: "Morris Hillquit. - 'The bMLs of our sympathy with Soviet Russia, is in the first place, that we recognize Soviet Russia as a government of the working classes of Russia - of the underdog, if you want if." p. 1346. "Morris Hillquit, - 'As to that the Socialist party by majority vote has declared its adherence to the Third International'." p. 1352.
Thus the Tamiment Institute and Library is a new name for the old Rand School of Social Science and it has replaced the latter as an adjunct of L.I.D. It is the American counterpart of the British Fabian Research Bureau. The Fabian organization and its American twin feed organized packages of information to leftists in all walks of life, to undermine our system of free enterprise and individual freedom.
Rand School teachers and pupils have always served as conspicuous luminaries in socialist and communist movements of all shades. Today, this ghost of the old Rand School of Social Science even engages in the fashionable game of "anti-communism", although its "anti-communism" is of an innocuous type which merely slaps the reds on the wrist. Any serious attempt to check the Kremlin element is met with a chorus of "danger to the freedom of expression" by these same "Fabian socialists".
The Center of Infection
Two blocks further uptown from the Tamiment Institute Building,additional meetings are held. These are also conducted in a dignified and respectable climate. The address is 112 E. 19th Street, New York City, and the organization is called the League for Industrial Democracy.
Among its Directors are Norman Thomas and Daniel Bell, who are on the Advisory Council of the Tamiment Institute. In both the League for Industrial Democracy and the Tamiment Institute you find an overlapping of names.33
33 Other examples are George Ross and Marx Lewis, who are directors of both the League for Industrial Democracy and the Tamiment Institute and Library.
Lurking behind this respectable facade of notables with imposing titles and degrees, is the Fabian Socialist interlocking complex.
The Fabian socialist structure in the United States was patented almost exactly upon the mother Fabian organization in England. The British Fabian Society, with an insignificant number of members, infiltrated all major political parties and institutions in Britain and managed to dominate sociological and political sentiment to such an extent that Britain has been gradually creeping ,towards full socialism regardless of the political party in power.
On several occasions, the Fabian socialists even had full political direction of the British Empire through the medium of the Labour Party which the Fabians founded and have dominated ever since.34
34 Some of the Fabian leaders in the Labour Party who have held ministerial portfolios in the British government and have influenced the destinies and the decline of the British Empire are: J. Ramsey Macdonald, Sir Stafford Cripps, Clement Atlee, Ernest Bevin, John Strachey, Hugh Gaitskell. Ref. This Little Band of Prophets - The British Fabians, by Anne Freemantle, pp. 109, 171,9.252,254.
The Fabians sponsored, organized and financed the London School of Economics as an institution that would grind out graduate students who would filter into colleges and universities throughout the British Empire and the United States.35
35 Margaret Cole, The Story of Fabian Socialism, Stanford University Press, 1961, p. 69. Mrs. Cole writing as a veteran Fabian socialist leader describes the maneuver of Fabian head, Sidney Webb, in organizing the London School of Economics: "Webb, accordingly, wrote out, as a kind of appendage to the Hutchinson will, a paper of his own stating what he considered its provisions could mean in practice, including 'the promotion ... of all or any of the objects for the time being of the said Society, or in or towards the promotion of the study of Socialism, Economics or of any other branch or branches of Social Science or Political Science or in or towards the propagation or advocacy whether by lectures pamphlets books or otherwise of socialistic or economic or political teaching or in or towards the promotion of any educational social or philanthropic object.' and to fortify himself against possible criticism enquired of R. B. Haldane, Q.c., whether this seemed all right to him. Haldane, it seems, asked Webb whether he was still a Socialist and whether he thought his proposed new foundation would really strengthen the case for Socialism; receiving the answer 'Yes' to both queries he gave 'counsel's opinion' in favor of going ahead. Webb, however, had made up his mind wcll in advance of the consultation with Haldane-whose name was never mentioned in any discussion with the Fabian Executive-and had decided that at least half was to go to the foundation of the L.S.E., on whose behalf its first Director promised to the London Chamber of Commerce that 'the School would not deal with political matters and nothing of a socialistic tendency would be introduced'; furthermore, that whatever part the Fabian Society itself might be permitted to retain of the money left for its 'propaganda and other purposes' was not to be casually spent." (This piece of duplicity and dishonesty is typically Fabian Socialist. Although the London School of Economics was deliberately designed as a socialist vehicle the London Chamber of Commerce was told the opposite in order to fool the British public. This is typical of Fabian socialists both in Britain and in America.)
In the publication field, the British Fabians had developed the magazine The Nation and The New Statesman as mouthpieces for Fabian policies. Eventually they were merged as the New Statesman and Nation. In the book publishing field a whole gamut of publishers vie with one another to publish Fabian literature. Fabian influence has been felt in television and the press, through Fabian indoctrinated reporters and editors. Every phase of education and public information has been "permeated" by these leftists. Originally a small group of socialist elite, they have steadily grown in members and influence by continual log-rolling and mutual assistance, combined with unscrupulous smearing and boycotting of their opponents, until they have now secured almost complete control of the mass media of communication.
American Fabians imitated most of the organizational forms of the British Fabian body. The New School for Social Research in New York City was the equivalent of the London School of Economics.36
36 Sister M. Margaret Patricia McCarren (unpublished manuscript on Fabian Socialism in the United States) "NEW SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL RESEARCH. The New School, founded by Charles Beard, John Dewey. Thorstein Veblen, and Alvin Johnson in 1919, was hailed by the Fabians in the New Statesman as the counterpart of the London School of Economics." p. LX, LXI.
An Appendage to British Fabians
On the political front there are the Americans for Democratic Action, the New York State Liberal Party, and other political fronts throughout the country which copy the British Labour Party techniques. The Americans for Democratic Action corresponds with the Union for Democratic Action which was a British Fabian socialist outgrowth in England. David C. Williams, the editor of the ADA World, the official organ of the Americans for Democratic Action, was also organizer of the leftist Union for Democratic Action in London. Of the 18 members of the National Executive Committee of the ADA in 1961 the overwhelming majority had connections with the League for Industrial Democracy or the Tamiment Institute and Library. The ADA has been a thinly camouflaged reflection of the L.I.D., Fabian master organization in America.37
37 Reference: Folder issued by We The People exposing the ADA, Oct. 1961, p. 1. Also, Sister M. Margaret Patricia McCarren ibid., p. 90.
"The League for Industrial Democracy, founded in 1905 on Fabian lines in New York by H. Laidler, has always kept closely in touch with British Fabians: the Fabian Society's Annual Report from 1925 to 1930 listed it under Provincial Societies."38
38 This Little Band of Prophets: The British Fabians, Anne Freemantle, Mentor Books, published by The New American Library, 1960, p. 233. British edition, George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 11 Dartmouth St. S.W. I, London, England
The L.I.D. coordinated its tactics and activity with the British Fabian socialists. Actually English Fabianism had strong American socialist overtones. Thomas Davidson, who inspired the first meetings in 1883, although of Scottish birth, was an American citizen and the chief driving force behind Fabian thinking was Henry George, the American single tax advocate. 39
39 Anna George deMille, Henry George, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, N. c, 1950 ", . . it was George who gave the impetus to the British Socialist movement which grew out of the Fabian Society. Sidney Webb pointed out: 'Little as Henry George intended it, there can be no doubt that it W!lB the enormous circulation of his Progress and Poverty which gave the touch that caused all seething influence to crystallize into a popular Socialist movement'." p.2.
In 1895, an American Fabian Society was formed with a magazine called the American Fabian as its official organ. The British Fabian tracts were also widely advertised and distributed to Americans through the American Fabian Society. The publications of the American Fabians were likewise offered under the label of "Social Science Library".40
40 See issues of American Fabian from 1895 to 1900.
41 p. 347, Margaret Cole, The Story of Fabian Socialism.
42 The American Fabian, Jan., 1898, p. 12: "N ext to thinking of it and hoping for it themselves, Fabian Socialists should do ull they can to rouse others to do the same. Every Fabian Socialist should have a small but well selected library of the best books on this subject, and these he should lend to all such of his friends and acquaintances who show the slightest signs of being amenable to progress." "Lend Blatchford's 'MERRIE ENGLAND' to men, and ask them what they think of it. Lend 'LOOKING BACKWARD' to women, and talk it over with them. Get everybody to read Henry D. Lloyd's 'WEALTH AGAINST COMMONWEALTH: and ask them what they think of trusts in general. Get every person you know, without regard to age, sex, or previous condition of servitude, to read Ruskin's 'CROWN OF WILD OLIVES,Tell romantic people to read William Morris' 'NEWS FROM NOWHERE: Tell practical people to read the 'FABIAN TRACTS.' Beg religious people to read KINGSLEY and MAURICE and Professor HERRON and the Rev. STEWART HEADLAM in connection with their New Testament. If you find one who shows earnestness and perseverance, urge him to read the 'FABIAN ESSAYS', Advise scientific people to read KARL MARX, ('Capital', Humboldt Publishing Co., New York.) and teII those who look higher yet that they will find a philosophic basis for Socialism in the works of the great HEGEL, ('The Philosophy of History,' Bohn's Philosophical Library.) and the hardly less notable German idealist, FICHTE, ('The Science of Rights' Truhner & Co., London) There is literature of the new order adapted to alI sorts and conditions of men. Choose with tact. Lend freely, with courtesy and persistence. This should be a point of honor with every Fabian Socialist." (The rather frank disclosure by American Fabians of the tactics taught them by the British Fabian mother body are reflected in items like the above in the American Fabian. It is interesting to note that the Fabians have a propaganda package for every element in society. Notice especially a separate appeal made to Christians using a religious approach, and the separate atheistic appeal via Karl Marx. Here we find a frank exposition of separate appeals to women, romantic people, practical people, religious people, earnest people, scientific people and those of a philosophic bent. The . pages of the American Fabian are full of such disclosures. It is no wonder that this publication has been pushed into the limbo of lost works by socialist chroniclers.e-ed.).
The League for Industrial Democracy as the inheritor of the early Fabian group in America is further tied to the British body by Margaret Cole who states: _". . . Fabian influence there (in the United States - ed.), such as it is, has been exercised by contact with Dr. Harry Laidler's League for Industrial Democracy in New York, and in Canada through the various groups of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation." 43
43 Margaret Cole, The Story of Fabian Socialism, p. 347. .. .
It is interesting to note that the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation of Canada is given credit for being a Fabian type socialist organization. The strike of 900 doctors in Saskatchewan, Canada, beginning July, 1962, against a "Government Compulsory Medical Care Insurance Act" was a protest against the Provincial Government headed by the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation.44 Curiously, a vice president of the League for Industrial Democracy, the headquarters of which is in New York, is "M. J. Coldwell, M.P., leader of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation Group in Canadian Parliament..." 45
44 Good Housekeeping Magazine, Nov., 1962, article: What Happens When Doctors Strike, p.p. 85-88.
45 World Cooperation. and Social Progress, League for Industrial Democracy, 112 E. 19th Street, New York 3. N. Y., p, 20. 3
The octopus of Fabian socialism stretches from England to the United States, with tentacles in Canada, New Zealand, Australia and other parts of the British Empire. The methods are devious, underhanded and fraught with deception, but they work. Fabian socialist propaganda is filled with charges of cheating, dishonesty, and conspiracy on the part of what they brand as "the capitalistic system". In fact, it is their own methods of deception and patent dishonesty that are regularly planned and carried out, and deliberately concealed. This is the same method used by both Hitler and the Soviets to accuse their intended victims of the crimes which they were plotting to perpetrate on them. The Fabians' political policy operates on a permanent basis of fraud to soften up and subvert our society so that it will eventually fall like ripe fruit into the hands of this self-appointed socialistic elite.
Permanent deception-a success
Even before the turn of the century, and continuing to the present day this basic strategy of concealment and deception has been quite frankly disclosed by both English and American Fabians in their intramural communications.
An entirely different approach became the guiding standard of driving all of society into a socialist direction. One of the chief Fabians described their phenomenal success when he stated:
"The Fabian Society succeeded because it addressed itself to its own class in order that it might set about doing the necessary brain work of planning Socialist organization for all classes, meanwhile accepting, instead of trying to supersede, the existing political organizations which it intended to permeate with the Socialist conception of human society."46
46 Bernard Shaw, The Intelligent Woman's Guide to Socialism, Brentano's, N. Y., 1928, p. 186.
Whereas, some other socialistic movements embraced a more frank public program which advocated bludgeoning society into accepting socialism, the Fabians adopted the covert policy of easing society into socialist forms by trick and deception. Their policy was, and is, never to run a candidate publicly as a Fabian Socialist.
Fabians pursued a policy of "permeation" into established organizations. They called this the "permeation of the Radical Left" 47 and explained carefully that by degrees through such permeation that society "will pass into collective control without there ever having been a party definitely and openly pledged to that end." And that "according to this theory there will come a time, and that shortly, when the avowed Socialists and the much socialized Radicals will be strong enough to hold the balance in many constituencies, and sufficiently powerful in all to drive the advance candidate many pegs further than his own inclination would take him." The Fabians also taught that the permeated parties "will thus be forced to make concessions and to offer compromise; and will either adopt a certain minimum number of the Socialist proposals, or allow to Socialists a share in the representation itself. Such concessions and compromises will grow in number and importance with each successive appeal to the electorate, until at last the game is won." Although this was written by Sidney Webb, the father of Fabian Socialism in 1889, it is an almost exact blueprint of the Fabian operations in the United States today.48
47 Fabian, Essays in. Socialism, Walter Scott, London, 1889, p. 21
48 ibid p. 215
Margaret Cole, a long time leader of Fabian socialism explains it succinctly:
"What Fabian permeation meant was primarily 'honeycombing', converting either to Socialism or to parts of the immediate Fabian Programme, as set out in the continuous stream of Tracts and lectures, key persons, or groups of persons, who were in a position either to take action themselves or to influencing others, not merely in getting a resolution passed, or (say) inducing a Town Council to accept one of the clauses of the Adoptive Acts, but in 'following up', in making sure that the resolution or whatever it was did not remain on paper but was put into effect." 49
49 Margaret Cole, The Story of Fabian Socialism, Stanford University Press. p. 85
The technique of influencing great masses of people through small numbers of 'socialistic experts' properly placed or in a position where they can influence leaders is a time tested Fabian device. One can more easily understand many of the strange events occurring in our own country in the light of what Margaret Cole says in continuing her explanation of Fabian "permeation":
"It was not necessary that these 'key persons' should be members of the Fabian Society; often it was as well they should not; what was essential was that they should at first or even second-hand be instructed and advised by Fabians."50
50 ibid, pp. 85, 86. One gets additional insight into the technique of Fabian socialist permeation hy Margaret Cole, when she says: "One gets sometimes, an impression of a Fabian vision of Britain in which every Important Person, Cabinet Minister, senior civil servant, leading industrialist, University Vice-Chancellor, Church dignitary, or what-not. would have an anonymous Fabian at his elbow or in his entourage who, trained very thoroughly '(maybe in the Webb's Ideal School of Economics) in information, draughtsmanship, and the sense of what was immediately possible, would insure that the Important Person moved cautiously, but steadily in the right direction."
A few Fabians influence millions
The amazing part of the Fabian Socialist movement, both in the United States and in England, is that it is made up of a relatively small number of people who have developed the technique of influencing large masses of people to a very high degree. This policy of confining the Fabian leadership to a very small number is a deliberate one. As early as 1896, the Fabian Society declared that "the Society is pledged to support those which make for socialism and democracy and to oppose those which are reactionary. It does not ask the English people to join the Fabian Society. It urges its members to join other societies, socialist or non-socialist, in which Fabian work can be done."51 Sidney Webb had openly declared that the Fabian Socialist Society "is not, however, a numerous body, and makes no attempt to increase its numbers beyond the convenient limit."52
51 Fabian Society report to the Trades Union Council, 1896, quoted in Anne Freemantle's This Little Band of Prophets-The British Fabians, 1961, p. 92.
52 S. Webb, Socialism in England, p. 27.
In the United States the League for Industrial Democracy following the same program organized the Student League for Industrial Democracy (S.L.J.D.). This organization had left its mark in almost every major college and university in the United States. Since 1905 thousands of prominent persons in government, education, science and religion reflect the socialistic teachings of the Student League for Industrial Democracy.
The Rand School for Social Science and its successor the Tamiment Institute and Library have trained a minimum of 5,000 people per year since its founding in 1906.53 The bulk of these have entered into sensitive and key positions in government, the information media (television, newspapers, radio), and the teaching professions in colleges and high schools throughout America. Well over a quarter of a million radicals have been spawned by this single "social science" school alone.
53 The Case of the Rand School, published by the Rand School of Social Science, New York City, July 26, 1919, "The Rand School of Social Science last year had 5,000 students. Rand students, when they finish their training, go out to be lecturers, street speakers, teachers and organizers in the labor movement. They become leading spirits among their fellows, for they have supplemented their toil-worn knowledge of present social and industrial evils with an intelligent, constructive idealism that builds a new and better way where the present system fails and collapses." p, 1.
As has been mentioned before, this interlocking Fabian socialist network has furnished the substance and the sinews for the so called communist front movements numbering millions of followers. The subversive menace in America can be estimated being at least 80% Fabian socialist and with the remaining 20% consisting of communists and other assorted radical groups. This fact is almost completely overlooked by writers, lecturers and investigators of the left-wing problem.
Socialists are treated lightly
While the communist menace has been subjected to some telling blows through study and exposure, the Fabian type of socialist has been allowed to expand his influence unimpeded. The erosion of democratic institutions proceeds unchecked and the enemy remains unidentified.
There are key men in the United States pushing _socialistic personalities and socialist issues on radio, television, newspapers, magazines and other publications. Pro-socialist influence on television is obvious when persons such as Norman Thomas and Max Lerner are continuously solicited for programs reaching millions of people. 54 Although Norman Thomas is publicly known as a perennial candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket his major role has been as director and officer of the League for Industrial Democracy and its predecessor. organization (Intercollegiate Socialist Society) since 1918.55 He has been one of the chief architects of Fabian Socialism. The Socialist Party was only one public face of the overall socialist movement. Most anti-socialist opposition has been cleverly decoyed by the Fabians toward the Socialist Party only. The concept of Norman Thomas as a 'nice, harmless socialist' sold to his wealthy and socialite friends is a carefully built up image. Mr. Thomas is a clever, calculating, hard core socialist who has been in the Fabian inner councils plotting out a strategy governing the entire movement. His connections with the British Fabian leaders are politically Intimate.56
54 Public program sponsored under educational auspices on Channel 13, during January, 1963, New York City.
55 The l..l.D. 50 Years 01 Democratic Education 1905.1955, published by League for Industrial Democracy, p. 29.
56 This Little Band 01 Prophets, Anne Freernantle, p. 234.
Max Lerner has been a pioneer of the communist movement. Later he moved into Fabian socialism. His projection through newspaper columns and on radio and television as an independent thinker is completely contradicted by the fact that he has been either communistic or Fabian socialist throughout his entire adult life.57 We have the example of a clever bit of by-play with Lerner and Norman Thomas on the same television program creating the impression that they represent two different aspects of a social question. This is patently a clever bit of acting since both are wedded to the same socialist aims.
57 Max Lerner, speaker for the Communist Party, Toledo, Ohio, Nov. 4, 1923. (Ref.: Special Committee to investigate communist activities in the U.S. H. RES. 220, Part 3, VoL 2, June 17, 1930 p. 237.) Max Lerner, article in the Daily Worker (circa 1923) (Ref.: Special Committee to investigate communist activities in the U.S. H. RES. 220, Part 3, Vol. 2, June 17, 1930, p. 267.) Member of the National Executive Committee of the Young Workers (communist) League in 1923. (Ref.: The Young Worker.) (affiliated with the Young Communist International, June, 1923, p. 4). Editor of The Nation, 1936 (Fabian socialist). Delegate to the Workers (communist) Party; (ref.: Young Worker, Feb. 1923, p. 13). Leader of the League for Industrial Democracy (Fabian Socialist) (ref.: This Little Band 01 Prophets, A. Fremantle, p. 234). Currently, columnist for the New York Post, and professor of Political Science at Brandeis University.
Other persons with a socialistic background such as William L. Shirer and John Gunther are continually belaboring a large public with ideas presented in a "liberal" form. Naturally, no mention is made of their partisanship for socialist causes.
In Tamiment Institute activities we find such persons as Frank Stanton of the Columbia Broadcasting System participating along with Leo Rosten of Look Magazine, and William Nichols of This Week. These are individuals who reach millions of people with their peculiar slant on national and world affairs. They influence politicians, political parties and thousands of others who occupy sensitive and key positions in our society. 58
We have noted before how even Alger Hiss, an accused spy and convicted perjurer, was pushed into the breach in a nationally televised program. This obviously indicated considerable leftist bias in some of the largest television and radio networks in the United States. These are merely symptoms of the Fabian socialist penetrations and permeations that have continued for at least 70 years in the United States.
Socialists have managed to push society towards socialism indoctrinating millions under labels other than socialism.
We have mentioned that Stuart Chase, veteran Fabian socialist, once counselled a socialist gathering that "socialism under any other name would smell as sweet."59 Then the question arises as to what label or labels did these undercover leftists use in order to inject socialist thinking? One of the earliest labels to cover socialist indoctrination has been the magical term "social science". The Fabian socialists have stolen the magic symbolism of "science" and have grafted it upon their system of thought. Since almost everybody in the civilized world looks upon science as progressive and beneficial to humanity it occurred to socialist strategists more than a century ago that old ideas could be presented in a modern garb by calling them a "social science". In colleges, the pulpit and lecture hall the magic term of "social science" has been used in myriad forms to inculcate a "creeping socialism" which has stealthily and quite silently insinuated itself into the lifeblood of our civilization. To get at the heart of this malignancy it is necessary to trace into the tortuous road by which "social science" has lured us down into the leftist quagmire. 58 See Annual Report of Tamiment Institute and Library, June 1958·59, pp. 3 and 4.
59 Stuart Chase. A New Deal, p. 163.
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