THE CONTROVERSY OF ZION
BY DOUGLAS REED
Chapter 21
BY DOUGLAS REED
Chapter 21
THE WARNINGS OF DISRAELI
Benjamin Disraeli, later Lord Beaconsfield, repeatedly warned Christendom against the world revolution. Like de Luchet, Alexander Hamilton and Edmund Burke fifty years before, he saw "the design"
behind it; unlike Lord Acton, who fifty years later spoke only of anonymous "managers", Disraeli identified
these organizers as Jews. The century that has passed since he uttered the plainest of these warnings has
justified him; whatever its origins, the organized world-revolution was under Judaism leadership by the middle
of the 19th Century and continued under Judaism leadership at least until the 1920's (in the present writer's
opinion the condition continued after that and prevails today).
Why the Talmudic sect took over the leadership of the revolutionary organization established by
Weishaupt, or whether it instigated the original revolutionary undertaking, are two questions which cannot be
answered today.
If the ambition of Judaic world domination, instilled through the centuries by the Talmud and even
more by the Cabala*, is ever to be realized the enslavement of "the heathen" to the Holy Nation will have to
be accomplished through some destructive organization like that set up by Weishaupt; the fact that
Weishaupt founded his Illuminati at the very moment when the Jewish "centre" in Poland sank from sight,
after an unbroken life of more than two thousand years, might be more than a coincidence. On the other
hand, it is equally possible that the dominant sect for the purpose of Talmudic fulfilment, took over control
of a destructive organization already set up by non-Jews for a different end.
* The Jewish Encyclopaedia says that the Cabala (the oral, traditional lore, in contradistinction to the written law, or Torah) from the 13th century on branched out into an extensive literature alongside of and in opposition to the Talmud, being entrusted only to the few elect ones. Mrs. Nesta Webster, however, quotes another passage from the Jewish Encyclopaedia as saying that "the Cabala is not really in opposition to the Talmud".
Disraeli's two most significant warnings preceded and followed the revolutionary outbreaks which
occurred in many parts of Europe in 1848. Based on the experience gained in France a half-century before,
these represented the second of the "eruptions, concocted as occasion shall permit", and "the periodical
explosions" which (as de Luchet and Alexander Hamilton had foretold) the world-revolutionary organization
was to bring about. They failed everywhere, possibly because the memory of the French revolution was
recent enough for governments and peoples to deal resolutely with them. Their suppression left Disraeli in
no illusion about the future. He had described what would happen before it occurred; after it, he foretold the
continuance of the conspiracy and the recurrence of the violent outbreaks.
Disraeli wrote novels (with greater success than two later imitators, Colonel House of Texas and Mr.
Winston Churchill when young), and depicted himself in them as the aloof, urbane, omniscient, slightly
mocking impresario of human affairs. In Coningsby he is the chief character, Sidonia, a Spanish-Muslim Jew,
the master financier, power behind all powers and passionless manipulator of affairs, one who is "assisted by that absolute freedom from prejudice which is the compensatory
possession of a man without a country".
Sidonia remarked in 1846 (the year when Coningsby was published): "That mighty revolution which is at
this moment preparing in Germany and . . . of which so little is as yet known in England, is developing entirely
under the auspices of the Jews".
Then, after the outbreaks of 1848, Disraeli returned to the subject, telling the House of Commons in
1852: "The influence of the Jews may be traced in the last outbreak of the destructive principle in Europe. An
insurrection takes place against tradition and aristocracy, against religion and property. .. The natural equality
of men and the abrogation of property are proclaimed by the secret societies who form provisional governments
and men of Jewish race are found at the head of every one of them" (exactly the same thing recurred in Russia, in 1917,
that is, seventy years after the 1848 outbreaks).
Disraeli added, "The most skilful manipulators of property ally themselves with Communists; the
peculiar and chosen people touch the hands of all the scum and low castes of Europe". This, he said, was
because they wished to destroy Christianity.
The task of research, in such a work as this, is arduous and has few compensations, but
acquaintanceship with Disraeli was a solace. The reader has already met some true prophets among the many
false ones, during this journey through the centuries, but he will not meet another quite like Benjamin
Disraeli, whose liberation from Talmudic bonds gave him this "absolute freedom from prejudice". His name
was significant, for he was of the breed of the Israelite prophets who denounced Judah. He was proud of his
descent, and yet was enabled by his detachment to feel a love of England which those of native ancestry
often cannot emulate. His ironical comments on public affairs and human events are refreshing to read today,
when politicians shun the truth as the devil might shun holy water.
He candidly stated that "the world is governed by very different personages from what is imagined by
those who are not behind the scenes", and in these words he publicly affirmed that real government is by the
Hidden Hand. All informed observers know that this is the truth of affairs, but any present day American
president or British prime minister would denounce the statement as "witch-hunting". "I think", said Sidonia,
"that there is no error so vulgar as to believe that revolutions are occasioned by economical causes". Thus
spoke Disraeli; in our day Lloyd George and Woodrow Wilson, Roosevelt and Truman have
pretended that the revolutions in France and Russia and elsewhere were spontaneous mass-eruptions by "the
people", infuriate, against "tyranny".
Disraeli practised the teaching of Christianity; he was not merely "a baptised Jew". He would not have associated himself, or his country's name, with the Old Testamentary vengeance of
Nuremberg, for this is what he said after the Indian Mutiny in 1857, when the spirit of revenge was ravening
in the land: "I do without the slightest hesitation declare my humble disapprobation of persons in high
authority announcing that upon the high standard of England 'vengeance' and not 'justice' should be
inscribed . . . I protest against meeting atrocities by atrocities. I have heard things said and seen things written
of late which would make me almost suppose that the religious opinions of the people of England had
undergone some sudden change, and that, instead of bowing before the name of Jesus, we were preparing to
revive the worship of Moloch. I cannot believe that it is our duty to indulge in such a spirit". [Disraeli...awesome Spirit DC ]
These words contain an allusion which reaches every Jew and Gentile. Talmudic Judaism is "the
worship of Moloch" and Disraeli knew this when he chose the words. The whole dispute between ancient
Israel and Judah of the Levites raged round this false deity and his demands, and Israel turned its back on
Judah on this very account; this is the root of the controversy of Zion, three thousand years ago and now.
It is reflected in the two most significant passages in the Old Testament: Jeremiah's charge that God
had never commanded the children of Israel "to cause their sons and daughters to pass through the fire unto
Moloch. . . neither came it into my mind, that they should do this abomination, to cause Judah to sin"; and
Ezekiel's answer that God had given Israel these "statutes that are not good" and the sacrifice of the firstborn.
The god of love and mercy, the god of hatred, vengeance and human sacrifice: that was from the start the
issue, and is today, and if Disraeli had lived a hundred years later Christendom might by this scion of Jewry
have been spared the stigma of the Talmudic vengeance at Nuremberg.
Similarly, Disraeli cannot be imagined lending himself, his office and his country's strength to the
support and spread of the world-revolution, as the leaders of Britain and America lent themselves in the first
and second world wars; his whole public life was spent in forewarning his country against the destructive
conspiracy which their acts promoted.
In 1955 a Lord Samuel (who in the heyday of Liberalism rose from plain Mr. Herbert Samuel, through
various political offices, to ennoblement) proudly stated that he was the first Jew ever to have held Cabinet
rank in England. This was presumably a jibe at Disraeli's conversion; nevertheless, the world in the 20th
Century might have been the better for more Disraeli's. The striking things about Disraeli, studied at the
distance of a century, are his habit of speaking absolute truth, his accuracy of prediction, his vast instinctive
and acquired knowledge, his deep though unimpassioned love for England, and his Christian charity. In
matters of fact he was always right; in those of opinion, he was ever on the side of the angels. His contempt
for "Liberals" was great, though delicately phrased ("infanticide is practised as extensively and as legally in England as it is on the banks of the Ganges, a
circumstance which apparently has not yet engaged the attention of the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel"). The present writer thinks he erred in one matter, namely, in his opinion that the doctrines of Jesus
were the completion, not the repudiation, of Judaism. The contrary seems to me to be true, namely, that
Judaism was that very heresy ("the worship of Moloch") which Disraeli spurned, and which Jesus came to
change.
Disraeli was the product both of Sephardic Jewry and of England at that period; he could not, without
both of these influences, have achieved that "absolute freedom from prejudice". His father, Isaac D'Israeli,
wrote, "A religion which admits not toleration cannot be safely tolerated, if there is any chance of its obtaining
a political ascendancy", and the Encyclopaedia Britannica says Isaac's reason for withdrawing from the
synagogue was that Talmudic Judaism with its rigid laws "cuts off the Jews from the great family of
mankind". His son's biographer, Mr. Hesketh Pearson, says the elders fined Isaac D'Israeli forty pounds
when he declined election as Warden of the Congregation stating that he could never take part in their public
worship "because, as now conducted, it disturbs, instead of exciting religious emotions". Isaac would not
have been able so to challenge the elders, had he lived in a Talmudic community in Russia or Poland; he
would have been outlawed, possibly killed.
Thus the father and the son (who became a member of the Church of England at the age of twelve)
were formed by the free air of England at that time. Benjamin Disraeli, was to achieve the removal of the last
disabilities put on Jews in England, and then publicly to proclaim that (in the immediate sequence to this
emancipation) Jews were taking over control of the world-revolution everywhere. To a man of "absolute
freedom from prejudice" the campaign against Jewish disabilities and the candid statement of this result were
duties equally inescapable, even though the second development bore out the warnings of the enemies of that
Jewish emancipation, which Disraeli had fought to complete.
Before concluding the tale of Disraeli's own warnings, the course of the world-revolution during his
time needs to be traced, that is to say, during the century succeeding the outbreak in France. When
Weishaupt died in 1830, leaving behind him the plan and the organization first revealed by the discovery of
the Illuminati's documents in 1786, Disraeli was 26. The next fifty years were filled with the contest for Weishaupt's succession; during this period Disraeli uttered his many warnings. When it ended Jewish control
of the world-revolution had nevertheless been firmly established and it had been given the imprint of the
Eastern Jews, the Mongoloid Khazars, under their Talmudic rabbis.
The result might have been different, for men of various kinds struggled to succeed Weishaupt, and
many of them were Gentiles. At the start there was no single, united revolutionary organization; there were
revolutionary secret societies, not yet coalesced, in various countries. The chief of them, and the one in clearest line of
descent from Weishaupt's illuminati, was the Alta Vendita in Italy, some of the papers of which, seized and
published by the Pontifical Government, revealed an identity of aim and method with the Illuminati
documents of a half-century earlier (as Mrs. Nesta Webster has established from the work of Cretineau Joly.)
In France Freemasonry continued to serve as the cloak used by the revolution, and in Germany the
"League of Virtue" (Tugendbund) was directed by lieutenants of Weishaupt.
Various men worked to fuse these, apparently distinct national movements into one, and to assume
the leadership, in succession to Adam Weishaupt. Among them were a Frenchman, Louis Blanc (whose name
the reader is asked to bear in mind, for a reason which will appear later; at one moment he seemed likely to
play the part of Lenin, even before Lenin was born), a Russian, Michel Bakunin, and a Jew, born in Germany,
Karl Marx.
The struggle was fought between the last two, for Louis Blanc soon faded from the scene. Michel
Bakunin and Karl Marx were as poles apart. Bakunin, "the father of Anarchy", was "a disciple of Weishaupt",according to the French revolutionary socialist, Benoit Malon. He represented that early breed of idealist
revolutionaries who thought that they had found in revolution an instrument to destroy tyranny. He saw the
danger that the confiscatory State, set up on the ruins of private property, would merely reproduce the
tyrannical propensities of the private capitalist in gargantuan shape; therefore he looked for ways to reconcile
the communal ownership of land and capital with the utmost possible diminution in the powers of the State
and ultimately even with the complete abolition of the State. Thus he was the very opposite of Karl Marx, whose
similar proposal, for the communal ownership of land and capital, was aimed simply at setting up a super tyranny in place of petty tyrants.
The ruling passion (and original motive) of all Bakunin's work was a horror of despotism; Marx
planned to destroy a ruling class in order to establish such a despotism as the world had never known. This
was the profound difference between the two men, and it throws up a question never to be answered: what
would the effect on the world have been if Bakunin's Anarchism, instead of Marx's Communism, had
assumed leadership of the world-revolution? For Anarchism was opposed to every kind of forcible
government, and to the State as the embodiment of the force employed in the government of the
community; Communism was the deification of force wielded by the State.
Everything about Bakunin is genuine: his struggle, sufferings and death. Everything about Marx is
bogus: his thirty years of incitement from the British Museum reading-room, his comfortable life on Friedrich
Engels's bounty, his obviously calculated marriage to a "von", his genteel funeral with graveside orations; all
are typical of the petty bourgeois who so loudly declaimed against
[170] the bourgeoisie. The most bogus thing of all was his Communist Manifesto, which diagnosed an ailment
("The proletarian is without property") and prescribed suicide as the remedy ("The theory of the Communists
may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property").
This was a plain intimation to the proletariat that it had nothing to gain but chains from Communism,
and if revolutionary outbreaks all over Europe followed the publication of the Manifesto in January 1848, the
oppressed masses cannot have roused to them by its logic. Within a few weeks of publication, revolts
occurred all over Germany, in Austria, Hungary, Italy, France and Denmark. This was proof that the
individual "secret societies" in the various countries were fusing together, that some means had been found to
co-ordinate and synchronise their outbreaks, and thus, for the first time, to demonstrate world-revolution in
action, through simultaneous eruptions in numerous countries.
Probably only one organization, already existing at that time, had at its disposal the international
network which could make this synchronization and coordination possible, and that was the Talmudic
rabbinate in Eastern Europe. Theoretically, the vast organization of the Catholic Church could have been put
to the same purpose, but the Church saw its deadliest enemy in the revolution and was not so used; on that
point history is clear. What Disraeli had known and stated two years before became historical fact: "that
mighty revolution which is at this moment preparing in Germany . . . is developing entirely under the auspices of
the Jews". Karl Marx and his Communist Manifesto were the outward and visible signs of a significant historic
event: Talmudic Judaism had taken over the world-revolution.
Of the three men who at that time appeared to contend for the generalship of the revolution, Louis
Blanc quickly fell out of the running. He was a member of the provisional government set up in Paris after
the 1848 revolt, and in the capacity of minister seemed to have the opportunity to put his theories into
practice. He held that individualism and competition were cancers in the body social and, like Marx, wished
to set up the all-despotic State (albeit of the "welfare" kind favoured by the British Socialists a century later).
He was the herald of the "right to work" which, in Russia in the present century, proved to be the State's
right to inflict forced labour. In his short lived office he undertook "to guarantee the livelihood of the workers
by work" and was authorized to call together an assembly of workers' delegates to prepare a plan for "full
employment". This body was in form an anticipation of the Soviets, and it represents Louis Blanc's chief
claim to be remembered. After the suppression of the revolt he fled to England and only returned twenty three years later, bereft of importance.
That left Marx and Bakunin. Typically, Karl Marx, expelled from Prussia and France after 1848, settled
comfortably in London until he died, thirty-four years later. Only Bakunin ran to man the "barricades". Bakunin was by birth a Russian aristocrat and had
thrown up his ensign ship in a Czarist regiment in 1832 after the suppression of the Polish insurrection of
1830; the spectacle of terrorized Poland inspired in the heart of this young Russian officer the horror of
despotism which thenceforth dominated his life. He met Marx before 1848 and left a description of the
difference between them: "Marx called me a sentimental idealist, and he was right; I called him a vain man,
perfidious and crafty, and I also was right".
Bakunin was in Paris for the fighting of 1848, and in May 1849 was a member of the provisional
government set up by the revolutionaries in Saxony, leading the defence of Dresden until the Prussian troops
prevailed, when he was captured while trying to escape (with Richard Wagner). He was sentenced to death,
and reprieved, successively by the Saxon and Austrian governments. "He was kept in fetters and chained to a
wall for a year and then surrendered to the Russian government. After six years imprisonment he was sent,
toothless, scorbutic and prematurely aged, to "the comparative freedom of Siberia", whence, in 1861, after
twelve years of captivity, he escaped to Japan, America and eventually England. Unbroken by his experiences,
he at once resumed preaching the spirit of anarchist revolt and in 1864, in Switzerland, founded his
International (the Alliance Internationale Sociale Democratique).
About the same time, Karl Marx founded his International (the International Working Men's Association) in London, and the next few years were filled with the decisive struggle between Bakunin and Marx for the soul of the revolution. During Bakunin's long absence in Saxon, Austrian and Russian jails and in Siberia, Marx in London had established his hold on the international revolutionary organization (in several countries he had sons-in-law as lieutenants, on the Napoleonic model), but Bakunin's renown was great and he was deprived of the leadership only by a series of tricks which Marx, through his control of the General Council, was able to use against his rival. In 1872 the General Council called a congress of the International at The Hague, where Bakunin and his friends could not go on account of governmental hostility. At this congress charges were made against Bakunin (reminiscent of those which sixty years later were to be raised against any Communist leaders of whom Stalin wished to rid himself and he was expelled from the International by vote of the Council, packed by Marx's handpicked men.
Broken in health Bakunin died a few years later, and apparently brought on his end by refusing to take food. With him died any hope (if such hope ever existed) that the organized world-revolution might be used to overthrow tyranny and liberate men; from the moment that it came "entirely under the auspices of Jews" (Disraeli) its purpose was to enslave men and to establish an indestructible tyranny. Bakunin's idea was to organize force against oppression, and the worst oppressor of all, in his eyes, was The State. These are his words: "The State is not society, it is only an historical form of it, as brutal as it is abstract. It was born historically, in all countries, of the marriage of violence, rapine, pillage, in a word, war and conquest . . . It has been from its origin, and it remains still at present, the divine sanction of brutal force and triumphant inequality. The State is authority; it is force; it is the ostentation and infatuation of force . . ."
Precisely such a State as that, Karl Marx designed to set up through his international revolutionary movement, and it was to be a world State. Bakunin in 1869, when his contest with Karl Marx was reaching its climax, like Disraeli in 1846 and 1852 identified the leadership of the world-revolution as Jewish and in this he saw the cause of the perversion, as he considered it, of the revolutionary idea. His Polemique contre les Juifs, written in 1869, was mainly directed against the Jews of the International, and from what we have since seen of these affairs we may assume that his expulsion by the Marxist General Council in 1872 became certain at the moment of that publication in 1869.
When Disraeli died in 1881 he had spent between thirty and forty years warning his countrymen and the world against "the secret societies":
"It was neither parliaments, nor populations, nor the course of nature, nor the course of events, that overthrew the throne of Louis Philippe . . . The throne was surprised by the secret societies, ever prepared to ravage Europe . . . Acting in unison with a great popular movement they may destroy society . . ." (1852). "There is in Italy a power which we seldom mention in this House . . . I mean the secret societies. It is useless to deny, because it is impossible to conceal, that a great part of Europe is covered with a network of these secret societies, just as the superficies of the earth is now being covered with railroads . . . They do not want constitutional government; they do not want ameliorated institutions. . . they want to change the tenure of land, to drive out the present owners of the soil, and to put an end to ecclesiastical establishments . . ." (1856).
Disraeli plainly saw, and perhaps was the first to recognize the name, the fraudulent nature of Liberalism: "it is the manoeuvres of these men who are striking at property and Christ, which the good people of this country, who are so accumulative and so religious, recognize and applaud as the progress of the Liberal cause".
If it were in the power of man, by informed warnings to avert disastrous events, the repeated warnings of this unique authority would have averted the tribulation which the revolution brought on the millions of mankind in the next century. But, "by a divine instinct men's minds mistrust ensuing danger"; the neglect of Disraeli's warnings proved what all preceding centuries had shown: that human beings will not be deterred from a dangerous undertaking, or aroused from a perilous inertia, by any spoken counsel. Experience alone can in time move them to act, and in that the 20th Century has made them rich.
In the middle decades of the last century Disraeli spoke in vain. He could not be merely defamed as a "witch-hunter", and therefore was derided with the mien of affectionate disdain: "it was generally thought" (says Mr. Hesketh Pearson) "that he had a bee in his bonnet on the subject of the secret societies, the existence of which was denied; but we can now see them as the seeds of a movement which, having found a formula, fused and festered into Communism". That verdict of 1951 is obviously true and agrees with the contemporary one of the revolutionary eye-witness Benoît Malon: "Communism was handed down in the dark through the secret societies of the 19th Century".
Thus, when Disraeli died the thing he had striven to avoid had come about: the "secret societies" had been welded into one world-revolutionary movement under Jewish control, and this was preparing to blow up the foundations of the 20th Century. He had found the perfect description for this organization: "a network" which covered Europe "just as the superficies of the earth is now being covered with railroads". Informed men began more and more frequently to use this expression, "the network", and to speak of "the hidden hand" which ruled governments. In the years before the revolutions of 1848 the former Rabbi Drach, who like Disraeli foresaw what was coming, published his indictment of the Talmud as the source of this disruptive process; his ensuing persecution was described by a Jewish writer named Morel, who among other things said, "what can the wisest measures of the authorities of all countries do against the vast and permanent conspiracy of a people which, like a network as vast as it is strong, stretched over the whole globe, brings its force to bear wherever an event occurs that interests the name of Israelite".
The sequence of events is significant. In 1772 Poland was partitioned and, after more than 2,500 years, the "centre" of Jewish Government "ceased to exist" (according to Dr. Kastein) or became a secret Jewish government (as the Russian authorities believed). In 1776 Adam Weishaupt founded his Illuminati. By 1846 Disraeli was writing that "the revolution is developing entirely under Jewish auspices". In 1869 Michel Bakunin, the disciple of Weishaupt, attacked the Jews in the revolutionary movement. In 1872 Bakunin was expelled and the united Communist movement plainly emerged, under Karl Marx (in 1917 it produced an almost exclusively Jewish Bolshevist government).
Such was the result, foretold by Disraeli, of the removal of Jewish disabilities and of a few decades of Jewish emancipation. The lowering of the barriers had not had the effect of amalgamating the Jews in the comity of peoples; its consequences had been to give "the most formidable sect" (Bakunin's words) freedom to work for the ruination of these peoples by revolution. The responses given by the Sanhedrin to Napoleon's questions at the century's start, by its middle-age had been shown to be void of force. Jews would not thenceforward be allowed to involve themselves with other men, in the nation hoods and laws of the lands where they dwelt; on the contrary, identification with the world revolution set them more apart from others than even they had ever been before. The century of emancipation had been turned into a fraud even before it ended.
During the 19th Century (as Dr. Kastein, again, records) the term "antisemitism" was born. As "persecution" could no longer be said to exist, some new word had to be found, capable of intimidating Gentiles and terrifying Jews, the second purpose being more important than the first, and "antisemitism" was invented. "Abracadabra" might have served as well, for the term "antisemitism" is patently absurd in relation to people who are demonstrably not Semites and whose Law commands the extirpation of Semites (the Arab peoples of Palestine; any expression of sympathy with the Semitic Arabs, expelled from their native land by the Zionist intruders in 1948, in time came to be attacked as "antisemitism").
Presumably the authors of this term desired to keep such words as Jew, Jewish and anti-Jewish out of the public controversy and counted on intimidating the mass-mind by the introduction of an obscurantist word. What the dominant sect meant by "anti semitism" was in fact a combination of lese majesty (offences against the dignity of the sovereign power) and heresy (opposition to the paramount religious doctrine); and by the middle of the present century the mass-mind had to a great extent submitted to this idea; that numerous breed which in earlier times would have doffed its cap at the approach of the squire's bailiff or have crossed itself when the priestly eye turned its way held its tongue and looked respectful when any Jewish affair was mentioned.
The word "antisemitism" was coined at the time when "men of Jewish race", as Disraeli and Bakunin pointed out, took over the direction of the world-revolution, and the main object of its invention was by intimidation to deter public discussion of that remarkable development; the events of the present century have abundantly proved that, as this book will show. In the recent time, a Jewish authority, Mr. Bernard Lazare, offered a definition of "antisemitism" in a book which bore the word as its title. This definition had nothing whatever to do with the prophet Shem and his tribe, with Semitic blood or speech or stock, or with anything Semitic whatsoever; Mr. Lazare related "antisemitism" entirely to an adverse opinion of the Jewish role in revolution. He wrote:
"This is what must separate the impartial historian from antisemitism. The anti semite says: 'The Jew is the preparer, the machinator, the chief engineer of revolutions'; the impartial historian confines himself to studying the part which the Jew, considering his spirit his character, the nature of his philosophy, and his religion, may have taken in revolutionary processes and movements".
What Mr. Lazare clearly meant was that nothing more than "a part" in revolutionary processes might be attributed to Jews, and that a man who said that The Jew is the preparer, the machinator, the chief engineer of revolutions" committed lese majesty and heresy.
However, it is substantially what Disraeli said (who may even have had a drop or two of Semitic blood, and in that differed from the Eastern Jews to whom he alluded): "that mighty revolution. . . is developing entirely under the auspices of the Jews", "the influence of the Jews may be traced in the last outbreak of the destructive principle", "men of Jewish race are found at the head of every one of them" (i.e., the secret societies).
As he was himself racially Jewish, Disraeli presumably felt no need to labour the fact that many Jews were as stoutly opposed as he to the "mighty revolution" and to "the destructive principle". In his day this would have been apparent, and he would not have had to armourplate his words against the propagandist who, today, would accuse him of incriminating all Jews by his allusions to "the auspices of the Jews" and "the influence of the Jews" (which by Mr. Lazare's definition would make him "antisemitic"!).
From the French revolutionary period onward (when the long resident Jews of France gave warning against the newcomers from the East who were making trouble in Alsace) the Sephardic Jews of the West strongly resisted the ill wind that was blowing towards them from the East. Emancipation had loosened their bonds; they stood to lose all they had gained if "the destructive principle", "engineered" by the Talmudic sect and the Ashkenazim in the East, were to prevail over the West.
The warnings of Disraeli were addressed to this, then the dominant section of Jewry as much as to the Gentiles; perhaps more. The Sephardic Jews may also be said to have paid more heed to them than the Gentile masses around them. Their punishment was to be excommunicated; by one of the most remarkable operations ever performed by statisticians on a body of people, the Sephardim were within a hundred years to be pronounced virtually extinct (like the "ten lost tribes" long before).
At that point they threw the "Eastern Jews" into the contest, whose emergence as a separate body of Jews coincided with the start of the world-revolution. Before then the West knew only "Jews", and these were the Sephardic Jews. Alluding to the period when Disraeli began to speak of Jewish leadership of the revolution, Dr. Kastein says, "From this time onwards it is possible to speak of Western and Eastern Jews". In fact the separate breeds had existed for about a thousand years; what Dr. Kastein means is that the Eastern Jews at that moment emerged as a distinct body, mobilized by the rabbinical government for action against the emancipated Sephardic Jews of the West and against the West itself.
Up to that time the Western Jews had only been dimly aware of these Eastern Jews, and to the Christian West they were unknown. Their cohesion as a mass, and the energy which had been stored up in them by many centuries of rabbinical absolutism in the ghettos, was to make of them, when they entered the West, the most powerful of all the forces which shaped the events of the 20th Century. They were good material for the purpose to which they were put. Racially of barbaric Asiatic origins, for centuries they had received a Talmudic training in a regimentation as strict as that of any ancient Oriental despotism.
In the grand strategy which unfolded during the 19th Century they were employed for a double purpose, and with skill were used to achieve ends, so contradictory, that their simultaneous accomplishment must have been held impossible, before it came about, by any rational observer. In Russia itself they were used, as a mass, to wreck emancipation (for there would have been no hope of reclaiming the emancipated Jews of Western Europe if these had seen that the Eastern Jews, too, were becoming emancipated). To the outer world they were simultaneously depicted, even while they blocked the process of emancipation in Russia, as being the victims of a cruel, "antisemitic" persecution which wantonly denied them emancipation!
Given the control of modern media of mass-propaganda and mass-suggestion it is possible to impress on the mind of the multitude these false images of what is happening elsewhere, and under the spell of such false notions to incite them into war itself. During the last century the politicians of the West began habitually to declaim against the persecution of the Jews in Russia, while those Jews, under a rigorous leadership, were being prompted to destroy emancipation by every conceivable means.
Lest the reader doubt, I must add that the picture here given is historically authentic, and is confirmed by the Judaist authorities. Among others Dr. Kastein says, "The great majority of Jews offered bitter passive resistance to all 'attempts at amelioration' ". However, this resistance was not simply "passive" but also took lethal forms. Dr. Chaim Weizmann is probably the best authority on this period, and his work will be extensively cited in what follows. The ghettoized Ashkenazim (both in their Communist and their Zionist organizations) were inspired to obstruct emancipation by every possible device (including assassination in the last resort) while the story of their persecution was hammered, as an intimidatory warning, into the consciousness of the Western Jews and, as a rightful claim for succour, into that of the Christian West.
The Gentile politicians of the West presented these fictions to their peoples as truth, for they had found that powerful Jews, in all countries, were able to assist parties favoured by them with money, press support and votes; the return they required was support for the cause of the "persecuted" Jews in Russia and for the "return" to Palestine. In effect this meant that politicians who sought these favours had to subordinate national interest to two causes ultimately destructive of all nation-states: the revolution and the ambition to acquire territory for the dominant race. This was the process by means of which, as Disraeli said in Lothair (1870) "democracy has degraded statesmen into politicians". In this way also that state of the massmind began to take shape which would not brook any confutation, no matter how fully proven, of the legend of a permanent Jewish persecution and of a disease endemic in Gentile man (an epidemic at that time in Russia called "antisemitism"). When it was dangerous to believe that the world was round, the multitude vocally agreed that it was flat; this condition was reproduced, in respect of Talmudic Judaism's propaganda, in the 19th century, with the results which have been seen in this one.
The Western Jews were much less responsive than the Western politicians to these two currents from the East. These original Jews, in whom the Sephardic tradition and strain continued, were moving towards integration, or at least towards an involvement, with diminishing frictions, in mankind. They intuitively feared the growing pressure from Russia and, recalling the unhappy end of the long, prosperous centuries in Spain, were filled with foreboding by the thought of its possible consequences. I recall, from my own time in Europe, how the Western Jews distrusted and feared these Eastern Jews, in whom they saw the spectral threat of an enforced return to the ghettos and to rabbinical absolutism. The German Jew then was wont to refer to "diese Ostjuden" (these Eastern Jews!) with aversion; the Eastern Jew for his part, when after the first world war he made his way from Russia and Poland into Germany, spoke with contempt of the settled Jews there as "diese Berliner" (these Berliners!).
The rabbinical directorate of Jewry, in its Eastern fastnesses, set out to use these Judaized Tartars from Russia against the emancipated Jews of the West and against the West itself. The secretive life of Jewry has made the counting of Jewish heads impossible at all periods. This lack of any trustworthy figures of Jewish populations enabled the ruling sect a century ago to begin, and in our day almost to complete, an astonishing biological operation: they have transformed nearly all Jews into Ashkenazim!
At the end of the 18th century the Jews known to the West were the Sephardim, who inherited at least a tenuous tradition, a frail thread leading back through Spain to Africa, and fading then into a legend of Canaanitish origins. By the middle of the present century these Jews were declared by the elders of Jewry to have become almost extinct! A report presented to the Second World Sephardic Conference held in New York in 1954 stated that the Jewish world population was 11,763,491; that only 1,744,883 (or 15 percent) of these Jews were Sephardim; and that merely 52,000 of these Sephardim lived in Europe (which formerly knew only Sephardic Jews) and the entire Western Hemisphere.
Normal processes of birth and death could not have worked this magic. Evidently the Sephardim, like the ten tribes of Israel nearly three thousand years ago, have been declared to have "vanished" because they "ceased to believe that they had a destiny apart from their neighbours". The Ashkenazim have been awarded the inheritance of Judah, "an order of existence fundamentally different from that of the people about . . . no process of assimilation to others . . . absolute differentiation"; and nearly all Jews have now been declared to be Ashkenazim! Thus the elders of Judaism twice have expunged masses by strokes of the pen. The Sephardim have been excommunicated for the same reason as the Israelites, but obviously they live on in truth, some integrated in mankind, some segregated in original Judaism.
The identification of the Eastern Jews with the world-revolution, a century ago, cannot have come about by chance or by individual leanings, for they were despotically ruled. The regime of the rabbis in the East was nearly absolute and the ghettoized communities obeyed their commands, as God-empowered lawgivers and magistrates, in every act of daily life. During the 1930's, when I saw a good deal of such Eastern Jewish communities, in Poland and Ruthenia, they still lived a life of seclusion, unimaginable to the Western mind until it was beheld. A mass move of these Eastern Jews into the revolutionary camp (or any other camp) could not have occurred without rabbinical guidance, for the penalties of disobedience, in those Talmudic confines, were dire (I have quoted the Jewish authority who testifies that the rabbis sometimes encouraged lynching if local circumstances disabled them from openly pronouncing the death penalty [179] prescribed by the Law.)*
* This rabbinical administration of the Judaic Law within Jewish communities continues today in America, England and other Western countries. In 1955 a Jewish merchant of Leeds, in England, came under Jewish suspicion of having allowed some of 223 old British tanks, disposed of by him, to reach Egypt, a neighbour of the Zionist state. No complaint was raised in respect of their sale to other countries, and the transaction, whatever their destination, was legal under British law. The alleged Egyptian sale, alone, was brought before a Jewish court, the president of which stated in the British Press that if the man were cleared the court's findings "will be accepted without question by the Jewish community", but if he were not "we have our ways as a community of dealing with a transgressor".
Therefore the mass move into the revolutionary camp must be regarded as one of high policy, directed after full consideration by that Jewish government which was transferred to Poland after the expulsion from Spain and sank from the sight of men at the dissection of Poland in 1772. Contemplated in that historical perspective, the threefold purposes of the grand design become clear, and events have demonstrated them. First, through revolution the process of emancipation (and therewith of Jewish assimilation in the West) might be reversed and the supremacy of the ruling sect in Jewry maintained. Second, through revolution vengeance might be taken on Christendom for the expulsion from Spain, or perhaps for the existence of Christendom (for that is the affront to which the Talmud is in effect the answer). Third, revolution would promote the fulfilment of The Law, which ordained the ruination of the heathen and the triumph of the Chosen People, or at any rate of the sect which used that beguiling term.
An ambition which perhaps was not hugely foolish among Near Eastern tribes and in the small space of the known world in 500 BC, thus became the megalomaniac one of our global era, which is witnessing an attempt to impose an ancient tribal law, born in the petty feuds of little ancient lands, upon the world. The Gentile is apt to imagine that The Law which governs this undertaking is that which he can find in the Torah, or Old Testament, which he shares with the Jew, but this is not true. The Old Testament contains a lofty law of righteousness and neighbourly behaviour and inspired glimpses of the universal "house of prayer of all peoples". This Law was rejected by Judah, and the Torah includes the interpolations and cancellations which nullify it; but at any rate it contains both; it is two books, and any man may choose the one that seems to him to be the word of God. In fact that is what Christianity did; it took from the Old Testament, and applied to itself, those parts of the Torah which have a universal application, and it ignored the Levitical insertions which voided the moral commandments.
The word "transgressor" relates to the Judaic rabbinical law, so that this was a public intimation that a man found to have "transgressed" that law would be punished, without regard to his innocence or guilt under the law of the country of which he was a citizen.
In this case the action taken cuts across State policy at its highest levels, those of foreign policy and national defence: for foreign policy and national defence cannot be conducted in the national interest if sections of the community are able to nullify governmental policy by dictating the choice of foreign countries to which arms may be sold, and punishing "transgressors", This case, however, was exceptional only in the publicity it received. As to that, as far as I was able to judge it aroused no great public interest or feeling, or if it did, this was not allowed to find expression in the newspapers. This was an example of the extent to which public discussion or criticism of any action taken by the ruling powers of Jewry had been silenced in the West by 1955.
But the Judaic Law under which the Eastern rabbinate directed Eastern Jews into the revolutionary camp is that of the Talmud, of which "the modern Jew is the product" (Mr. Rodkinson, previously cited). The Talmud contains no lofty law of righteousness applicable to all men, but sets up the creed of Moloch, shorn of the universal applications; it is one book, not two. It is the uncompromising response to Christianity: "the precepts of justice, of equity, or charity towards one's neighbour, are not only not applicable with regard to the Christian, but constitute a crime in anyone who would act differently. The Talmud expressly forbids one to save a non-Jew from death . . . to restore lost goods, etc. to him, to have pity on him" (the former Rabbi Drach, already quoted). This was The Law of the Slavic Ashkenazim in their ghettos; the Ashkenazim, under stern direction, became the engineers of the world-revolution; and according to the Judaic authorities the Ashkenazim are now "the Jews", or 85 percent of them.
Thus a formidable, secret sect, in parts of Russia little known to the outer world trained a compact mass of human beings for an onslaught on the nation-states of Christendom and the West, and in the 19th century began to unleash the force which it had generated. For the next hundred and fifty years (until the present day) the revolutionary force worked with spreading effect to disrupt the West, always following the plan originally disclosed in Weishaupt's papers, and "men of Jewish race" were constantly found at the head of it. The results have shown: Europe, once a land-mass of prosperous and virile nation-states, is now a place of bewildered peoples who struggle to make their way out of the new Dark Age and into the light again. The effects have spread far beyond Europe; Disraeli's "destructive principle" today beats on the doors of all the world. Possibly another hundred years must pass before the force let loose expends itself and the Ashkenazim (like the Sephardim before them) find the pull of mankind too strong for them, so that the Cabalist's dream of world dominion fades.
Under The Law this destruction was not an end in itself; it was a means to the end laid down in The Law. The extirpation of nation-states was to be the essential prelude to the establishment of the triumphant nation-State, that of the chosen people in their promised land. Thus, in the middle of the last century, a second force also was brought into being in those same Eastern, Talmudic-ruled areas where the world revolution received its shape and impetus.
This was Zionism, the force that was set in movement to achieve "the return" and lay the foundations of the supreme Nation-State in Palestine. This, the force of domination, at every stage in the process of the last hundred years kept step with the force of revolution, and neither could have achieved what it did achieve without the other. The achievement is clear: the "return" has been accomplished and the nation-state of the chosen people has been founded; simultaneously the nation-states of other peoples, those breeds outside The Law, have been reduced or extinguished. The dominant-force corrupted the governments of these states at the top level; the revolutionary-force eroded their foundations at the bottom level.
Dr. Kastein, having affirmed that the Jewish government (the "centre", with its unbroken history of more than two thousand years) "ceased to exist" after the dissection of Poland in 1772, records that a hundred years later "a Jewish international" was in being. He evidently meant that the Jewish government of Jews had given way to a Jewish government of governments, and this is evidently the truth of our time.
Disraeli spoke of "a network" of revolutionary organizations which covered the earth like a system of railroads; it is the perfect description of the destructive mechanism which was constructed. To achieve the greater purpose there had to be another network at the top, and although Disraeli did not use the word in that case, he alluded to it when he said, "The world is governed by very different personages from what is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes". This is presumably "the Jewish international" of which Dr. Kastein speaks, a league of powerful and wealthy men at the top, under whose authority kings and princes, first, and republican presidents and politicians, next, equally found themselves.
These two machines worked in synchronization, each promoting the aim of the other. In their dealings with the masses, the Gentile rulers were forced by the threat of revolution from below to yield ever more authority, until they fell; in their dealings with foreign countries, and in the wars to which these led, they were constrained by the power of the purse to support the plan of the symbolic "return" to Palestine. The Gentile often asks why men of wealth should promote revolution. Disraeli put the same question, in order to give the answer: they wish to destroy Christianity. He knew precisely what he meant; to the Gentile the answer may be made more comprehensible by saying that they obey the Talmudic Law, which requires the destruction of heathen nation-states as the prelude to the triumphant "return".
Thus the story of the emergence of Zionism from the ghettos of Russia and of the delicate interplay between the two forces, the one coiling itself round the rulers of the West and the other undermining the structure of the nation-states, forms the next chapter of the controversy of Zion.
next..THE "PROPHET"
134s
About the same time, Karl Marx founded his International (the International Working Men's Association) in London, and the next few years were filled with the decisive struggle between Bakunin and Marx for the soul of the revolution. During Bakunin's long absence in Saxon, Austrian and Russian jails and in Siberia, Marx in London had established his hold on the international revolutionary organization (in several countries he had sons-in-law as lieutenants, on the Napoleonic model), but Bakunin's renown was great and he was deprived of the leadership only by a series of tricks which Marx, through his control of the General Council, was able to use against his rival. In 1872 the General Council called a congress of the International at The Hague, where Bakunin and his friends could not go on account of governmental hostility. At this congress charges were made against Bakunin (reminiscent of those which sixty years later were to be raised against any Communist leaders of whom Stalin wished to rid himself and he was expelled from the International by vote of the Council, packed by Marx's handpicked men.
Broken in health Bakunin died a few years later, and apparently brought on his end by refusing to take food. With him died any hope (if such hope ever existed) that the organized world-revolution might be used to overthrow tyranny and liberate men; from the moment that it came "entirely under the auspices of Jews" (Disraeli) its purpose was to enslave men and to establish an indestructible tyranny. Bakunin's idea was to organize force against oppression, and the worst oppressor of all, in his eyes, was The State. These are his words: "The State is not society, it is only an historical form of it, as brutal as it is abstract. It was born historically, in all countries, of the marriage of violence, rapine, pillage, in a word, war and conquest . . . It has been from its origin, and it remains still at present, the divine sanction of brutal force and triumphant inequality. The State is authority; it is force; it is the ostentation and infatuation of force . . ."
Precisely such a State as that, Karl Marx designed to set up through his international revolutionary movement, and it was to be a world State. Bakunin in 1869, when his contest with Karl Marx was reaching its climax, like Disraeli in 1846 and 1852 identified the leadership of the world-revolution as Jewish and in this he saw the cause of the perversion, as he considered it, of the revolutionary idea. His Polemique contre les Juifs, written in 1869, was mainly directed against the Jews of the International, and from what we have since seen of these affairs we may assume that his expulsion by the Marxist General Council in 1872 became certain at the moment of that publication in 1869.
When Disraeli died in 1881 he had spent between thirty and forty years warning his countrymen and the world against "the secret societies":
"It was neither parliaments, nor populations, nor the course of nature, nor the course of events, that overthrew the throne of Louis Philippe . . . The throne was surprised by the secret societies, ever prepared to ravage Europe . . . Acting in unison with a great popular movement they may destroy society . . ." (1852). "There is in Italy a power which we seldom mention in this House . . . I mean the secret societies. It is useless to deny, because it is impossible to conceal, that a great part of Europe is covered with a network of these secret societies, just as the superficies of the earth is now being covered with railroads . . . They do not want constitutional government; they do not want ameliorated institutions. . . they want to change the tenure of land, to drive out the present owners of the soil, and to put an end to ecclesiastical establishments . . ." (1856).
Disraeli plainly saw, and perhaps was the first to recognize the name, the fraudulent nature of Liberalism: "it is the manoeuvres of these men who are striking at property and Christ, which the good people of this country, who are so accumulative and so religious, recognize and applaud as the progress of the Liberal cause".
If it were in the power of man, by informed warnings to avert disastrous events, the repeated warnings of this unique authority would have averted the tribulation which the revolution brought on the millions of mankind in the next century. But, "by a divine instinct men's minds mistrust ensuing danger"; the neglect of Disraeli's warnings proved what all preceding centuries had shown: that human beings will not be deterred from a dangerous undertaking, or aroused from a perilous inertia, by any spoken counsel. Experience alone can in time move them to act, and in that the 20th Century has made them rich.
In the middle decades of the last century Disraeli spoke in vain. He could not be merely defamed as a "witch-hunter", and therefore was derided with the mien of affectionate disdain: "it was generally thought" (says Mr. Hesketh Pearson) "that he had a bee in his bonnet on the subject of the secret societies, the existence of which was denied; but we can now see them as the seeds of a movement which, having found a formula, fused and festered into Communism". That verdict of 1951 is obviously true and agrees with the contemporary one of the revolutionary eye-witness Benoît Malon: "Communism was handed down in the dark through the secret societies of the 19th Century".
Thus, when Disraeli died the thing he had striven to avoid had come about: the "secret societies" had been welded into one world-revolutionary movement under Jewish control, and this was preparing to blow up the foundations of the 20th Century. He had found the perfect description for this organization: "a network" which covered Europe "just as the superficies of the earth is now being covered with railroads". Informed men began more and more frequently to use this expression, "the network", and to speak of "the hidden hand" which ruled governments. In the years before the revolutions of 1848 the former Rabbi Drach, who like Disraeli foresaw what was coming, published his indictment of the Talmud as the source of this disruptive process; his ensuing persecution was described by a Jewish writer named Morel, who among other things said, "what can the wisest measures of the authorities of all countries do against the vast and permanent conspiracy of a people which, like a network as vast as it is strong, stretched over the whole globe, brings its force to bear wherever an event occurs that interests the name of Israelite".
The sequence of events is significant. In 1772 Poland was partitioned and, after more than 2,500 years, the "centre" of Jewish Government "ceased to exist" (according to Dr. Kastein) or became a secret Jewish government (as the Russian authorities believed). In 1776 Adam Weishaupt founded his Illuminati. By 1846 Disraeli was writing that "the revolution is developing entirely under Jewish auspices". In 1869 Michel Bakunin, the disciple of Weishaupt, attacked the Jews in the revolutionary movement. In 1872 Bakunin was expelled and the united Communist movement plainly emerged, under Karl Marx (in 1917 it produced an almost exclusively Jewish Bolshevist government).
Such was the result, foretold by Disraeli, of the removal of Jewish disabilities and of a few decades of Jewish emancipation. The lowering of the barriers had not had the effect of amalgamating the Jews in the comity of peoples; its consequences had been to give "the most formidable sect" (Bakunin's words) freedom to work for the ruination of these peoples by revolution. The responses given by the Sanhedrin to Napoleon's questions at the century's start, by its middle-age had been shown to be void of force. Jews would not thenceforward be allowed to involve themselves with other men, in the nation hoods and laws of the lands where they dwelt; on the contrary, identification with the world revolution set them more apart from others than even they had ever been before. The century of emancipation had been turned into a fraud even before it ended.
During the 19th Century (as Dr. Kastein, again, records) the term "antisemitism" was born. As "persecution" could no longer be said to exist, some new word had to be found, capable of intimidating Gentiles and terrifying Jews, the second purpose being more important than the first, and "antisemitism" was invented. "Abracadabra" might have served as well, for the term "antisemitism" is patently absurd in relation to people who are demonstrably not Semites and whose Law commands the extirpation of Semites (the Arab peoples of Palestine; any expression of sympathy with the Semitic Arabs, expelled from their native land by the Zionist intruders in 1948, in time came to be attacked as "antisemitism").
Presumably the authors of this term desired to keep such words as Jew, Jewish and anti-Jewish out of the public controversy and counted on intimidating the mass-mind by the introduction of an obscurantist word. What the dominant sect meant by "anti semitism" was in fact a combination of lese majesty (offences against the dignity of the sovereign power) and heresy (opposition to the paramount religious doctrine); and by the middle of the present century the mass-mind had to a great extent submitted to this idea; that numerous breed which in earlier times would have doffed its cap at the approach of the squire's bailiff or have crossed itself when the priestly eye turned its way held its tongue and looked respectful when any Jewish affair was mentioned.
The word "antisemitism" was coined at the time when "men of Jewish race", as Disraeli and Bakunin pointed out, took over the direction of the world-revolution, and the main object of its invention was by intimidation to deter public discussion of that remarkable development; the events of the present century have abundantly proved that, as this book will show. In the recent time, a Jewish authority, Mr. Bernard Lazare, offered a definition of "antisemitism" in a book which bore the word as its title. This definition had nothing whatever to do with the prophet Shem and his tribe, with Semitic blood or speech or stock, or with anything Semitic whatsoever; Mr. Lazare related "antisemitism" entirely to an adverse opinion of the Jewish role in revolution. He wrote:
"This is what must separate the impartial historian from antisemitism. The anti semite says: 'The Jew is the preparer, the machinator, the chief engineer of revolutions'; the impartial historian confines himself to studying the part which the Jew, considering his spirit his character, the nature of his philosophy, and his religion, may have taken in revolutionary processes and movements".
What Mr. Lazare clearly meant was that nothing more than "a part" in revolutionary processes might be attributed to Jews, and that a man who said that The Jew is the preparer, the machinator, the chief engineer of revolutions" committed lese majesty and heresy.
However, it is substantially what Disraeli said (who may even have had a drop or two of Semitic blood, and in that differed from the Eastern Jews to whom he alluded): "that mighty revolution. . . is developing entirely under the auspices of the Jews", "the influence of the Jews may be traced in the last outbreak of the destructive principle", "men of Jewish race are found at the head of every one of them" (i.e., the secret societies).
As he was himself racially Jewish, Disraeli presumably felt no need to labour the fact that many Jews were as stoutly opposed as he to the "mighty revolution" and to "the destructive principle". In his day this would have been apparent, and he would not have had to armourplate his words against the propagandist who, today, would accuse him of incriminating all Jews by his allusions to "the auspices of the Jews" and "the influence of the Jews" (which by Mr. Lazare's definition would make him "antisemitic"!).
From the French revolutionary period onward (when the long resident Jews of France gave warning against the newcomers from the East who were making trouble in Alsace) the Sephardic Jews of the West strongly resisted the ill wind that was blowing towards them from the East. Emancipation had loosened their bonds; they stood to lose all they had gained if "the destructive principle", "engineered" by the Talmudic sect and the Ashkenazim in the East, were to prevail over the West.
The warnings of Disraeli were addressed to this, then the dominant section of Jewry as much as to the Gentiles; perhaps more. The Sephardic Jews may also be said to have paid more heed to them than the Gentile masses around them. Their punishment was to be excommunicated; by one of the most remarkable operations ever performed by statisticians on a body of people, the Sephardim were within a hundred years to be pronounced virtually extinct (like the "ten lost tribes" long before).
Chapter 22
THE MANAGERS
When Jewish direction of the world-revolution became discernible by the middle of the last century it
was direction by the Ashkenazic (Eastern, or Slavic) Jews. The Sephardic (Western, or Iberian) Jews were in
the mass strongly opposed to it. It was directed against them as much as against Christendom, for
emancipation in Europe had led to a substantial measure of assimilation in their case; they were slipping from
the grasp of the ruling elders of Judaism, who were faced with the loss of their power through Jewish
integration in mankind. Segregation was vital to Talmudic Judaism, and integration was lethal. At that point they threw the "Eastern Jews" into the contest, whose emergence as a separate body of Jews coincided with the start of the world-revolution. Before then the West knew only "Jews", and these were the Sephardic Jews. Alluding to the period when Disraeli began to speak of Jewish leadership of the revolution, Dr. Kastein says, "From this time onwards it is possible to speak of Western and Eastern Jews". In fact the separate breeds had existed for about a thousand years; what Dr. Kastein means is that the Eastern Jews at that moment emerged as a distinct body, mobilized by the rabbinical government for action against the emancipated Sephardic Jews of the West and against the West itself.
Up to that time the Western Jews had only been dimly aware of these Eastern Jews, and to the Christian West they were unknown. Their cohesion as a mass, and the energy which had been stored up in them by many centuries of rabbinical absolutism in the ghettos, was to make of them, when they entered the West, the most powerful of all the forces which shaped the events of the 20th Century. They were good material for the purpose to which they were put. Racially of barbaric Asiatic origins, for centuries they had received a Talmudic training in a regimentation as strict as that of any ancient Oriental despotism.
In the grand strategy which unfolded during the 19th Century they were employed for a double purpose, and with skill were used to achieve ends, so contradictory, that their simultaneous accomplishment must have been held impossible, before it came about, by any rational observer. In Russia itself they were used, as a mass, to wreck emancipation (for there would have been no hope of reclaiming the emancipated Jews of Western Europe if these had seen that the Eastern Jews, too, were becoming emancipated). To the outer world they were simultaneously depicted, even while they blocked the process of emancipation in Russia, as being the victims of a cruel, "antisemitic" persecution which wantonly denied them emancipation!
Given the control of modern media of mass-propaganda and mass-suggestion it is possible to impress on the mind of the multitude these false images of what is happening elsewhere, and under the spell of such false notions to incite them into war itself. During the last century the politicians of the West began habitually to declaim against the persecution of the Jews in Russia, while those Jews, under a rigorous leadership, were being prompted to destroy emancipation by every conceivable means.
Lest the reader doubt, I must add that the picture here given is historically authentic, and is confirmed by the Judaist authorities. Among others Dr. Kastein says, "The great majority of Jews offered bitter passive resistance to all 'attempts at amelioration' ". However, this resistance was not simply "passive" but also took lethal forms. Dr. Chaim Weizmann is probably the best authority on this period, and his work will be extensively cited in what follows. The ghettoized Ashkenazim (both in their Communist and their Zionist organizations) were inspired to obstruct emancipation by every possible device (including assassination in the last resort) while the story of their persecution was hammered, as an intimidatory warning, into the consciousness of the Western Jews and, as a rightful claim for succour, into that of the Christian West.
The Gentile politicians of the West presented these fictions to their peoples as truth, for they had found that powerful Jews, in all countries, were able to assist parties favoured by them with money, press support and votes; the return they required was support for the cause of the "persecuted" Jews in Russia and for the "return" to Palestine. In effect this meant that politicians who sought these favours had to subordinate national interest to two causes ultimately destructive of all nation-states: the revolution and the ambition to acquire territory for the dominant race. This was the process by means of which, as Disraeli said in Lothair (1870) "democracy has degraded statesmen into politicians". In this way also that state of the massmind began to take shape which would not brook any confutation, no matter how fully proven, of the legend of a permanent Jewish persecution and of a disease endemic in Gentile man (an epidemic at that time in Russia called "antisemitism"). When it was dangerous to believe that the world was round, the multitude vocally agreed that it was flat; this condition was reproduced, in respect of Talmudic Judaism's propaganda, in the 19th century, with the results which have been seen in this one.
The Western Jews were much less responsive than the Western politicians to these two currents from the East. These original Jews, in whom the Sephardic tradition and strain continued, were moving towards integration, or at least towards an involvement, with diminishing frictions, in mankind. They intuitively feared the growing pressure from Russia and, recalling the unhappy end of the long, prosperous centuries in Spain, were filled with foreboding by the thought of its possible consequences. I recall, from my own time in Europe, how the Western Jews distrusted and feared these Eastern Jews, in whom they saw the spectral threat of an enforced return to the ghettos and to rabbinical absolutism. The German Jew then was wont to refer to "diese Ostjuden" (these Eastern Jews!) with aversion; the Eastern Jew for his part, when after the first world war he made his way from Russia and Poland into Germany, spoke with contempt of the settled Jews there as "diese Berliner" (these Berliners!).
The rabbinical directorate of Jewry, in its Eastern fastnesses, set out to use these Judaized Tartars from Russia against the emancipated Jews of the West and against the West itself. The secretive life of Jewry has made the counting of Jewish heads impossible at all periods. This lack of any trustworthy figures of Jewish populations enabled the ruling sect a century ago to begin, and in our day almost to complete, an astonishing biological operation: they have transformed nearly all Jews into Ashkenazim!
At the end of the 18th century the Jews known to the West were the Sephardim, who inherited at least a tenuous tradition, a frail thread leading back through Spain to Africa, and fading then into a legend of Canaanitish origins. By the middle of the present century these Jews were declared by the elders of Jewry to have become almost extinct! A report presented to the Second World Sephardic Conference held in New York in 1954 stated that the Jewish world population was 11,763,491; that only 1,744,883 (or 15 percent) of these Jews were Sephardim; and that merely 52,000 of these Sephardim lived in Europe (which formerly knew only Sephardic Jews) and the entire Western Hemisphere.
Normal processes of birth and death could not have worked this magic. Evidently the Sephardim, like the ten tribes of Israel nearly three thousand years ago, have been declared to have "vanished" because they "ceased to believe that they had a destiny apart from their neighbours". The Ashkenazim have been awarded the inheritance of Judah, "an order of existence fundamentally different from that of the people about . . . no process of assimilation to others . . . absolute differentiation"; and nearly all Jews have now been declared to be Ashkenazim! Thus the elders of Judaism twice have expunged masses by strokes of the pen. The Sephardim have been excommunicated for the same reason as the Israelites, but obviously they live on in truth, some integrated in mankind, some segregated in original Judaism.
The identification of the Eastern Jews with the world-revolution, a century ago, cannot have come about by chance or by individual leanings, for they were despotically ruled. The regime of the rabbis in the East was nearly absolute and the ghettoized communities obeyed their commands, as God-empowered lawgivers and magistrates, in every act of daily life. During the 1930's, when I saw a good deal of such Eastern Jewish communities, in Poland and Ruthenia, they still lived a life of seclusion, unimaginable to the Western mind until it was beheld. A mass move of these Eastern Jews into the revolutionary camp (or any other camp) could not have occurred without rabbinical guidance, for the penalties of disobedience, in those Talmudic confines, were dire (I have quoted the Jewish authority who testifies that the rabbis sometimes encouraged lynching if local circumstances disabled them from openly pronouncing the death penalty [179] prescribed by the Law.)*
* This rabbinical administration of the Judaic Law within Jewish communities continues today in America, England and other Western countries. In 1955 a Jewish merchant of Leeds, in England, came under Jewish suspicion of having allowed some of 223 old British tanks, disposed of by him, to reach Egypt, a neighbour of the Zionist state. No complaint was raised in respect of their sale to other countries, and the transaction, whatever their destination, was legal under British law. The alleged Egyptian sale, alone, was brought before a Jewish court, the president of which stated in the British Press that if the man were cleared the court's findings "will be accepted without question by the Jewish community", but if he were not "we have our ways as a community of dealing with a transgressor".
Therefore the mass move into the revolutionary camp must be regarded as one of high policy, directed after full consideration by that Jewish government which was transferred to Poland after the expulsion from Spain and sank from the sight of men at the dissection of Poland in 1772. Contemplated in that historical perspective, the threefold purposes of the grand design become clear, and events have demonstrated them. First, through revolution the process of emancipation (and therewith of Jewish assimilation in the West) might be reversed and the supremacy of the ruling sect in Jewry maintained. Second, through revolution vengeance might be taken on Christendom for the expulsion from Spain, or perhaps for the existence of Christendom (for that is the affront to which the Talmud is in effect the answer). Third, revolution would promote the fulfilment of The Law, which ordained the ruination of the heathen and the triumph of the Chosen People, or at any rate of the sect which used that beguiling term.
An ambition which perhaps was not hugely foolish among Near Eastern tribes and in the small space of the known world in 500 BC, thus became the megalomaniac one of our global era, which is witnessing an attempt to impose an ancient tribal law, born in the petty feuds of little ancient lands, upon the world. The Gentile is apt to imagine that The Law which governs this undertaking is that which he can find in the Torah, or Old Testament, which he shares with the Jew, but this is not true. The Old Testament contains a lofty law of righteousness and neighbourly behaviour and inspired glimpses of the universal "house of prayer of all peoples". This Law was rejected by Judah, and the Torah includes the interpolations and cancellations which nullify it; but at any rate it contains both; it is two books, and any man may choose the one that seems to him to be the word of God. In fact that is what Christianity did; it took from the Old Testament, and applied to itself, those parts of the Torah which have a universal application, and it ignored the Levitical insertions which voided the moral commandments.
The word "transgressor" relates to the Judaic rabbinical law, so that this was a public intimation that a man found to have "transgressed" that law would be punished, without regard to his innocence or guilt under the law of the country of which he was a citizen.
In this case the action taken cuts across State policy at its highest levels, those of foreign policy and national defence: for foreign policy and national defence cannot be conducted in the national interest if sections of the community are able to nullify governmental policy by dictating the choice of foreign countries to which arms may be sold, and punishing "transgressors", This case, however, was exceptional only in the publicity it received. As to that, as far as I was able to judge it aroused no great public interest or feeling, or if it did, this was not allowed to find expression in the newspapers. This was an example of the extent to which public discussion or criticism of any action taken by the ruling powers of Jewry had been silenced in the West by 1955.
But the Judaic Law under which the Eastern rabbinate directed Eastern Jews into the revolutionary camp is that of the Talmud, of which "the modern Jew is the product" (Mr. Rodkinson, previously cited). The Talmud contains no lofty law of righteousness applicable to all men, but sets up the creed of Moloch, shorn of the universal applications; it is one book, not two. It is the uncompromising response to Christianity: "the precepts of justice, of equity, or charity towards one's neighbour, are not only not applicable with regard to the Christian, but constitute a crime in anyone who would act differently. The Talmud expressly forbids one to save a non-Jew from death . . . to restore lost goods, etc. to him, to have pity on him" (the former Rabbi Drach, already quoted). This was The Law of the Slavic Ashkenazim in their ghettos; the Ashkenazim, under stern direction, became the engineers of the world-revolution; and according to the Judaic authorities the Ashkenazim are now "the Jews", or 85 percent of them.
Thus a formidable, secret sect, in parts of Russia little known to the outer world trained a compact mass of human beings for an onslaught on the nation-states of Christendom and the West, and in the 19th century began to unleash the force which it had generated. For the next hundred and fifty years (until the present day) the revolutionary force worked with spreading effect to disrupt the West, always following the plan originally disclosed in Weishaupt's papers, and "men of Jewish race" were constantly found at the head of it. The results have shown: Europe, once a land-mass of prosperous and virile nation-states, is now a place of bewildered peoples who struggle to make their way out of the new Dark Age and into the light again. The effects have spread far beyond Europe; Disraeli's "destructive principle" today beats on the doors of all the world. Possibly another hundred years must pass before the force let loose expends itself and the Ashkenazim (like the Sephardim before them) find the pull of mankind too strong for them, so that the Cabalist's dream of world dominion fades.
Under The Law this destruction was not an end in itself; it was a means to the end laid down in The Law. The extirpation of nation-states was to be the essential prelude to the establishment of the triumphant nation-State, that of the chosen people in their promised land. Thus, in the middle of the last century, a second force also was brought into being in those same Eastern, Talmudic-ruled areas where the world revolution received its shape and impetus.
This was Zionism, the force that was set in movement to achieve "the return" and lay the foundations of the supreme Nation-State in Palestine. This, the force of domination, at every stage in the process of the last hundred years kept step with the force of revolution, and neither could have achieved what it did achieve without the other. The achievement is clear: the "return" has been accomplished and the nation-state of the chosen people has been founded; simultaneously the nation-states of other peoples, those breeds outside The Law, have been reduced or extinguished. The dominant-force corrupted the governments of these states at the top level; the revolutionary-force eroded their foundations at the bottom level.
Dr. Kastein, having affirmed that the Jewish government (the "centre", with its unbroken history of more than two thousand years) "ceased to exist" after the dissection of Poland in 1772, records that a hundred years later "a Jewish international" was in being. He evidently meant that the Jewish government of Jews had given way to a Jewish government of governments, and this is evidently the truth of our time.
Disraeli spoke of "a network" of revolutionary organizations which covered the earth like a system of railroads; it is the perfect description of the destructive mechanism which was constructed. To achieve the greater purpose there had to be another network at the top, and although Disraeli did not use the word in that case, he alluded to it when he said, "The world is governed by very different personages from what is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes". This is presumably "the Jewish international" of which Dr. Kastein speaks, a league of powerful and wealthy men at the top, under whose authority kings and princes, first, and republican presidents and politicians, next, equally found themselves.
These two machines worked in synchronization, each promoting the aim of the other. In their dealings with the masses, the Gentile rulers were forced by the threat of revolution from below to yield ever more authority, until they fell; in their dealings with foreign countries, and in the wars to which these led, they were constrained by the power of the purse to support the plan of the symbolic "return" to Palestine. The Gentile often asks why men of wealth should promote revolution. Disraeli put the same question, in order to give the answer: they wish to destroy Christianity. He knew precisely what he meant; to the Gentile the answer may be made more comprehensible by saying that they obey the Talmudic Law, which requires the destruction of heathen nation-states as the prelude to the triumphant "return".
Thus the story of the emergence of Zionism from the ghettos of Russia and of the delicate interplay between the two forces, the one coiling itself round the rulers of the West and the other undermining the structure of the nation-states, forms the next chapter of the controversy of Zion.
next..THE "PROPHET"
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